The Beauty Trap: How the pressure to conform to society’s and media’s standards of beauty leave women experiencing body dissatisfaction

This thesis explores the influence of societal and media beauty standards on women's body image and self-esteem. It compares Western and non-Western beauty practices and debunks the myth of standardized beauty. The study analyzes the historical and contemporary trends in beauty and discusses the impact on women's self-perception.

The Beauty Trap: How the pressure to conform to society’s and media’s standards of beauty
leave women experiencing body dissatisfaction
Samantha Yee Yee Foo
A thesis submitted to
Auckland University of Technology
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Communication Studies (MCS)
2010
School of Communication Studies
Primary Supervisor: Dr. Rosser Johnson

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Attestation of Authorship
“I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my
knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another
person (except where explicitly defined in the acknowledgements), nor material which
to a substantial extent has been submitted for the award of any other degree or diploma
of a university or other institution of higher learning.”
Samantha Yee Yee Foo

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Acknowledgements
My deepest thanks to:
Christina Vogels, my first supervisor, who has provided me invaluable advice and
encouragement in developing this thesis. You have taught me a lot about femininity,
beauty, body image, and the issue of ‘disciplining the body’. I really enjoyed working
and discussing with you, despite the short length of time.
Dr. Rosser Johnson, my second supervisor, who gave me guidance and advice
throughout the process of my thesis especially with the statistical graphs and study
analysis section. Your advice and guidance are and will always be greatly appreciated.
Dr. Janet Bedggood for the Media, Culture and Society classes of Semester 1 2009.
Your lessons on the portrayal of women in the media have not only taught me greatly
but also given me an in-depth insight towards the portrayal of femininity and beauty by
the media.
My parents who have given me all the love and unwavering support from the beginning.
You both have encouraged me to go the distance in life and I am forever grateful.
Without you, I would not be here today writing this Acknowledgements page.
Popo, my maternal grandmother, for all her love and support as well as teaching me the
real meaning of beauty.
My friends and former schoolmates for all their support, love and generosity via online
and offline
My study participants, without your insights, this thesis would not be possible. Your
participation is always greatly appreciated.

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Last but not least, God, for guiding me and being by my side through thick and thin.

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Contents
Attestation of Authorship i
Acknowledgment ii
Contents iv
List of tables and figures vi
Literature Review 1
Historical & Contemporary Beauty Trends 11
Introduction 11
Foot binding, high-heeled stilettos and 13
toe-shortening surgery
Corsets, weight-loss surgery, dieting and fattening 18
rooms
Whitening and tanning of the skin 23
Body hair and hair removal methods 29
Teeth and cosmetic dentistry 32
Hair: Dyeing and permanent styling 34
Female genital cutting and female genital cosmetic 37
surgery
Wigs and hair extensions 41
Double eyelids and Asian blepharoplasty 44
Botox and anti-ageing products 46
Theoretical Framework 48
Methods 59
Participants 59
Procedure 59
Qualititative methods versus quantitative methods 60

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Data Analysis 61
Qualitative data 61
Qualitative data 68
Discussion: Comparative between Literature Review 75
and Data Analysis
Self-esteem 75
Celebrity culture, ‘celebrification’ of beauty and the 79
overrepresentation of Western beauty
Body image 81
Beauty practices (Historical and Contemporary) 82
‘Perfect’ body versus the natural body 83
Femininity and beauty: The portrayal of real women via 84
via the media and what roles do we play in?
Conclusion 86
Bibliography 88

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List of table and figures
Figure 1 Ethnic groups of 110 participants in Page 62
my structured interview
Figure 2 Percentage of ethnic groups in Greater Page 62
Auckland
Figure 3 Percentage of ethnic groups in the Page 63
Structured interview
Figure 4 Comparative graph between Greater Auckland Page 64
And my study
Figure 5 Participants’ age groups Page 65
Figure 6 Well-known figures chosen by participants Page 66
they believe to epitomize feminine beauty
Figure 7 Participants' satisfaction towards their bodies Page 67
and faces
Figure 8 Participants’ response to the structured interview Page 68
question, “Do you think you are beautiful?”

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Literature Review
The paper aims to explore how media and society‟s alleged standards of beauty have
influenced how they influence women and girls from various socio-cultural backgrounds to
define what „beauty‟ is and how they perceive their body image. In addition, this paper will
compare Western and non-Western beauty practices, both historical and contemporary, and
also debunk the myths that beauty is standardised for women and girls.
Etcoff (2000) argues that “no definition can capture beauty entirely” (p.8) and she quotes
dictionaries defining beauty as “something intrinsic to the object or simply as the pleasure
an object evokes in the beholder” (p. 8). Brand (2000) cites Plato‟s definition of beauty as
timeless, changing and universal where women‟s bodies have not only played a role in the
making of art or provoking philosophical interests but also establishes the business of the
beautification such as the use of beauty and hair products for personal grooming. Like its
sister called fashion, beauty is a language of identity and a promoter of self-esteem (Man,
2000). Beauty is not just an aesthetic category applied to faces and bodies, instead as Peiss
(2000) adds, it helps to define social status, gender and class. Thereby, beauty ideals are
formed by social relations and cultural categories and practices which eventually created
opportunities and commercialization of fashion and beauty industries (Peiss, 2000).
From the Ancient Persian era to the present, Corson (2003) writes that history has countless
records of men and women grooming and adorning their faces and bodies to either mark a
rite of passage, for example puberty, or their social status. Sherrow (2001) also believes
that beautification has been done to symbolize social history, attitudes and values of many
different cultures. For example, during the Elizabethan era, Sherrow (2001) states that
English women used saffron and sulphur to dye their hair red in order to emulate the hair

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colour of Elizabeth I. In addition, besides being a symbol of beauty, some men, especially
members of the royal English court, dyed their facial hair auburn to signify their “loyalty to
their queen” (p. 178). Compared to today where one can choose from many shades ranging
from blonde to auburn, dyeing one‟s hair to emulate a celebrity or a model is more or less
similar to the Elizabethan era. The blonde bombshell mania is an example where the
platinum blonde shade had been popularized by Jean Harlow and Marilyn Monroe in the
1930s and 1950s respectively. Johnson and Lennon (1999) state that socially constructed
ideals towards beauty not only encourage individuals to create appearances but also
determine how they define themselves based on self-worth and their perception towards
appearances in the societies they come from. From demure to playful, Man (2000) believes
historical and contemporary women project their self-images through make-up and fashion
as current or new “frames of references for beauty” (p. 193).
The female body is a medium of culture where a woman faces pressures to meet certain
ideals of beauty in society (Gimlin, 2002). Ehrenreich and English (1978, cited by
Wiseman, Gray, Mosimann, and Ahrens, 1990) agrees that females have historically
attempted to change their bodies to conform to a particular era‟s beauty ideal. From the
Rubenesque voluptuous body of the 1600s to the modern waif-like slender body, Grogan
(2008) believes the idealization of the woman‟s body is due to the “outcome of successful
marketing” (p. 19) which plays a role in the standard of the cultural beauty in Western and
affluent societies. Therefore, a woman‟s body is not just perceived as an object but also is
expected to undergo “constant self-surveillance and disciplinary practices” (p. 38) in the
pursuit of the „perfect‟ body (Blood, 2005). Baumann (2008) adds that ideals regarding
beauty vary between societies and cultures as well as groups within a society such as

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“ideals for height, body shape, facial parts, hairstyles and skin tone” (p. 4). For example,
plumpness is a symbol of beauty and fertility in African and Eastern cultures where a plus
sized, usually big-boned and curvaceous, wife symbolised a happy and successful husband.
Whereas, plumpness is considered un-ideal and symbolises the lack of willpower in the
Western culture which prides on smaller figures. Grogan (2008) agrees by adding that
slenderness in the Western norm represents social success, happiness and social
acceptability. As a result, Wolf (1990) and Blood (2005) write that beauty standards have
not only undermined women‟s self-worth but also pressure them to conform to the beauty
practices of femininity in the attempt to emulate the ideal images of womanhood presented
by media and society. When a woman ignores or fails to conform to the alleged standards
of the ideal beauty, she is not only vulnerable of becoming an outcast from normality,
desirability and femininity but also Blood (2005) adds she is blamed for resisting societal
influences by accepting her body instead of changing it to fit the beauty ideal. Halprin
(1995) believes without support and self-acceptance, many women “tend to internalize
standards of beauty, and judge themselves to the point of self-hatred” (p. 42) or harbour
distorted views about how their bodies and faces should look (Blood, 2005). Therefore,
Grogan (2008) believes there is a great need to develop positive body image in women at
both individual and societal levels through education and health campaigns.
Throughout many eras, beauty has frequently mattered as an inevitable and underlying
socio-political framework for how it tells women what is acceptable as „beautiful‟ within
societal and cultural norms (Brand, 2000). For example, the reinforcement of “media-
presented societal messages” of the beauty ideal that are accepted and internalised by
women (Jones et al, 2004, cited by Dohnt and Tiggerman, 2006, p. 142). Jeffreys (2005)

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agrees with Brand (2000) and Etcoff‟s (2000) statements regarding beauty by highlighting
how feminist critics such as Dworkin (1974) have pointed out “beauty is a cultural practice
which is time wasting, expensive and painful to one‟s self-esteem” (p. 6). Women are
required to “„create‟ beauty through make-up, hairstyles, depilation or creation by surgery”
(p.24) in order to create sexual difference to prove they can fulfil the ideal feminine beauty
(Jeffreys, 2005). Feminist writers from academic and popular literature have consistently
argued when a woman attempts to cultivate her appearance, she is considered as a
collaborator in her own oppression at the expense of women‟s fullest development
(Halprin, 1995; Scott, 2005). However, Wolf (1990) argues that beauty practices are
actually about men‟s institutions and institutional power which aims to “destroy women
physically and deplete them psychologically” (p. 6). Jeffreys (2005) believe the concept of
Western and non-Western beauty practices create a stereotyped masculinity and femininity
where women are subjected to criticism instead of being regarded as natural or progressive.
Orbach (1988, cited by Blood, 2005) and Lennon, Lillethun and Buckland (1999) conclude
that the stereotyped representation of women in media, cultural and societal levels not only
define women‟s relationship to men and to themselves as individuals but increase the
pressure to conform to the ideal body or beauty type.
Just as Jeffreys (2005) argues that beauty practices in Western culture should be understood
as “harmful cultural practices” (p.3) like corsetry and stilettos in the historical and
contemporary eras respectively, Ping (2000) writes that the East Asian symbol of feminine
beauty during the olden times was lotus feet, known as „foot binding‟. Like its modern
Western sister such as the stilettos, foot binding was the “synonym for femininity, beauty,
hierarchy, and eroticism” (p. 7) which are “tightly integrated with pain, violence and death”

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(p.8). Similar to its historical sisters, Grogan (2008) writes contemporary women resort to
diet regimes and cosmetic surgery to try and attain the “culturally defined” (p. 41) ideal
body. As the beauty industry, including cosmetic surgery, continues to thrive, Greer (1999,
cited by Gauntlett, 2008) explains the mediated beauty ideal is “often a substantial pressure
on women” (p. 86) to attain the „perfect body‟. Therefore, it is proven that beauty practices
from both sides of the world, historical and modern, have played a role which affects the
“relationship between women‟s bodies and the image industry where women‟s physical
appearance is able to be changed at will” (Bordo, 1993, as cited by Blood, 2005, p. 13).
In the modern age, Halprin (1995) writes that the maidenly appearance of the extreme,
slender youth, cast in a European style of beauty, has become a global standard for women
of all cultures which is often “opposed to individuality” (p. 42) or in most, uniqueness.
Davies (1982) agrees by stating that the western ideal of femininity has been propagating
western cultural imperialism or cultural values onto its non-Western counterparts.
Therefore, Halprin (1995) writes the myth of the beautiful white woman plays a role in
denying the “value of black beauty, Asian beauty and even the beauties of indigenous or
aboriginal peoples” (p. 43). Shennow (2001) provides an example where critics say Barbie
dolls provide a limited white Anglo-Saxon beauty ideal which could leave girls, especially
from non-Western context, feeling inadequate about themselves. As a result of the
ingrained white beauty standard as the unrealistic ideal, Makkar and Strube (1995) believe
non-Western viewers are often left “in feelings of low self-worth” (p. 1548).
Halprin (1995) adds that women from the non-Western context undergo pain to alter a
physical feature in order to achieve unrealistic ethnic-based standards of beauty ideals. For

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example, the rising number of East Asian females undergoing Asian blepharoplasty 1,
commonly known as a double eyelid surgery, to attain double eyelids which Kobrin (2004)
says are a sign of the ideal Asian beauty. Although the painful but costly procedure has
created a craze among Asians, Dr. Lee (2004, as cited by, Kobrin, 2004) states young
Asian-Americans are “resistant against blepharoplasty and deem the procedure which aims
to alter one‟s ethnic identity” (p.1) compared to their Asian peers who sees it otherwise as a
way to “make them look prettier” (p. 2).
Another example of Westernization of non-Western beauty is the obsession towards pale
skin among East and South Asians. Pale skin is not only an ideal of Asian feminine beauty
but also a sign of nobility or aristocracy where the Asian cosmetic giants offer an array of
products for their consumers to “brighten, whiten, lighten and illuminate” their yellow-
toned or dark skins (Bray, 2002, p.1). Halprin (1995) agrees that the beautiful white woman
myth represents a “limited or narrow standard of beauty which renders all others
unbeautiful” (p.43), thereby, denying the value of non-Western beauty ranging from Asian
beauty to the indigenous beauty. Giddings (1984, cited by Halprin, 1995) provides an
example of Black women during the early 20th century enhancing their beauty with hair
straightening products and skin lighteners amidst a race-conscious era in America which
opposed individual reality.
According to Cortese (2008), advertising and media provide “culturally sanctioned ideal
types in a “mythical, WASP2-oriented world where no person is ugly or overweight”
(Kilbourne, 1989, as cited by Cortese, 2008, p.57). As a result, women are encouraged to
1 Blepharoplasty- Cosmetic surgical procedure intended to reshape the upper or lower eyelid
2 WASP- White Anglo-Saxon Protestant

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achieve an “idealised body shape” when they are exposed to media-portrayed images which
promotes the idea that body shape and size are flexible (Monro and Huon, 2005). For
example, the frequent use of unrealistic imagery of beautiful models in advertisements and
magazines, airbrushed to perfection with the use of photo-editing software, has defined
„beauty‟ to women as the ability to transform one‟s body size to unrealistic outcomes
through means of extremes such as surgery and dieting. Forbes, Collinsworth, Jobe, Braun
and Wise (2007) state that media and advertising encourage women to invest on
“substantial amounts of time, energy and emotional resources” (p. 265) to conform to the
body ideals. Along with a fusion of physical obsessions, fear of ageing and self-hatred, the
reproduction of „beautiful‟ images deny the existence of real women‟s faces and bodies
(Wolf, 1990).
Sarwer et. al. (2003) say that body image is the most popular topic in the field of
psychology at the beginning of the new century. According to Schilder (1950, cited by
Grogan, 2008) body image is defined as “the picture of our own bodies which we form in
our mind, that is to say, the way in which the body appears to ourselves” (p. 3). Thompson,
Heinberg and Altabe (1999, as cited by Sarwer, Grossbart and Didie, 2003) describe body
image as similar to the “closely related construct of self-esteem” which has come to be
accepted as the “internal representation of one‟s own outer appearance” (p.110). However,
there is often a disagreement about the true definition of “body image”. Dittmar (2009) and
Cash and Henry (1995, cited by Blood, 2005) add that body image is also a “core aspect of
mental and physical well-being” (p.1) where it bears a relationship between self-esteem and
psychosocial adjustment such as eating disturbances and social anxiety. Body image not
only plays a role in how individuals feel about themselves and their appearances but also

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how the individual functions within a cultural or societal milieu. With the significant rise in
referral for cosmetic surgery, dissatisfaction or shame towards one‟s appearances, and
increase in dieting amongst women, researchers attempt to “understand reasons behind
these behaviours and general experiences of embodiment” (Grogan, 2008, p. 1). Therefore,
the misperception towards body size and shape is a great concern for experts involved in
body image studies.
When they fail to conform or achieve the standards seen from media and advertising, there
is an evidence of body shame or dissatisfaction and the growing desire to alter its weight
and shape (Monro and Huon, 2005, p. 86). Cash and Szymanski (1995, cited by Grogan,
2008) explain that body shame or dissatisfaction is not only defined as the “negative
evaluations of body size, shape, muscle tone and weight” (p. 4) but also a perceived
discrepancy between an individual‟s evaluation of his body and the ideal body. Dittmar,
Halliwell and Ive (2006, as cited by Dittmar, 2009) report that “body perfect” ideals are
conveyed to children as young as 5 to 7 years of age (p. 2). Dittmar (2009) provides an
example of recent studies of girls being frequently exposed to doll images such as Barbie,
are reported to have lower body satisfaction and a desire for a thinner body. Like cosmetic
surgery, Davis (1995) believes the beauty system women are exposed to, on screen and
print, is an oppressive method to discipline or normalize their bodies in order to fit into the
idealized beauty categories.
Images of ideal female bodies produced by media and advertising play a role in detailing
the „perfect‟ female in the global capitalism of the twenty-first century (Shields and
Heinecken, 2002). Within the consumer culture, the female body is not just a vehicle of
pleasure and desire but also is believed to have a higher exchange value when it

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“approximates to the idealised image” of youth and beauty (Featherstone, 1991, cited by
Frost, 2001, p.42). Pollay (1986, as cited by Baumann, 2008) writes advertising aims to
show us how individuals should appear, or what is ideally attractive, even if this is not its
manifest function. Shields and Heinecken (2002) quotes a report by a research participant
who views advertising as stereotypes which “provides pressure for one to have society
views” about others and prescribe “how women should see themselves” (p.13). In addition,
Lavine, Sweeney and Wagner (1999) add portrayals of unrealistic imagery of thinness and
beauty ideal increases the likelihood of women experiencing body dissatisfaction or shame.
Polivy, Garner and Garfinkel (1986, as cited by Pinhas, Toner, Ali, Garfinkel and
Stuckless, 1999) state that individuals look to both media-portrayed images and society‟s
standards for their personal concept of the ideal beauty. To be able to achieve the beauty
ideal is a badge of success for a woman who pursues it with tenacity (Frost, 2001). As a
result, the gulf between a woman‟s body and the perceived ideal in recent decades has
initiated a great deal of body dissatisfaction amongst women especially to those who cannot
attain the beauty ideal. McKinley and Hyde (1996, cited by Monro and Huon, 2005)
discuss how the focus on appearance results in increased body shame and appearance
anxiety especially “when the female body is subjected to scrutiny” (p. 86). Another term to
describe both body shame and appearance anxiety is „body-hatred‟ where the female body
is perceived as a reviled enemy that must be controlled and altered through diet and
makeovers (Frost, 2001). According to Frost (2001), body-hatred is not just classified as a
negative relationship, frequently a damaging one, between females and their bodies but also
it comes in harmful forms such as eating disorders and self-harm. Therefore, Dittmar
(2007) believes the pursuit for such unrealistic, toxic motives focussing on a better, happier

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identity, especially in the struggle to attain physical perfection, is detrimental for
individuals‟ well-being in pursuit of a better, happier identity.
When the issue of beauty becomes a painful subject for women, their bodies are used as
“instruments to punish” them and other women where the „value‟ of their bodies are
impinging those who are unable to fulfil the beauty ideal (Wolf, 1990, p. 234). As a result,
the constant comparison between themselves and the beauty ideal not only fuels the
fluctuation of women‟s self-esteem but also the hostility hurts them. McBryde (1999) and
Grogan (2008) believe that if women can choose to ignore the need to discipline, compare
and conform to unrealistic ideals promoted by media and beauty industries, they will be
able to “appreciate their unique beauty” (p. 7) and enhance their self-esteem. To gain an
understanding into the beauty culture is to not only encourage us to think critically about
women and beauty but also understand how a woman‟s body can be a “tool for resistance
and agency in the construction and reconstruction of a contemporary selfhood” against the
cultural objectification of the body amidst modern consumer culture (Gimlin, 2002; p. 149).

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Historical and Contemporary Beauty Trends: From foot-binding and corsets to
cosmetic surgery, fad diets and high-heeled stilettos
Introduction
Women‟s fashion, in both Western and non-Western context, has frequently symbolize the
important eras in a country or society‟s history and culture (Phelan, 2002). In addition,
Phelan (2002) and Kunzle (2004) say fashion not only “makes a statement of what society
wants women to be” (p. 2) but also expresses the dominance of a social class. For example,
lotus feet or bounded feet were considered endearing on a woman whilst large feet were
seen as grotesque and a signifier of low class in ancient China (Kippen, 2005). However, in
the contemporary Western context, having a tan now implies wealth, high social status and
good health unlike in the past, such as the Elizabethan and Victorian eras, where it was
once associated with hard labour and poverty (Phelan, 2002).
Wykes and Gunter (2005) say beauty ideals have been projected by the dominant
communication forms of time, for example visual art, throughout history. From high culture
to mythology, Wolf (1990) says romanticized beauty in art and many cultures “determines
not only the relations of men to women but also the relation of women to themselves” (p.
59). Akin to the unattainable but romanticized historical icons in visual art, readers and
audiences of the present are invited to emulate modern media role models such as
celebrities, supermodels and socialites of the past and present (Mazur, 1986, as cited by
Wynter and Gunter, 2005).
Phelan (2005) states Western and non-Western beauty trends “have a price for women and
girls who attempt to achieve the fashionable look” (p. 138). At the same time, women of
the past and present are expected to regulate their bodies and produce femininity through

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beauty practices (Black & Sharma, 2001). With beauty being idealized by media and
society, Gimlin (2002) and Kunzle (2004) write that the female identity is believed to be
tainted causing women to face “acute tension between assertions of individualism and the
demands of conformism” (p.5). Jeffreys (2005) agrees that beauty trends, traditional and
contemporary, are not only harmful to the health of women but also “creates stereotyped
femininity” (p. 59) such as waxing to create the hairless feminine body. Cortese (2008) says
the image of the ideal beautiful woman is captured with “the concept of provocateur which
is a form or a hollow shell representing the female figure and accepted attractiveness” (p.
59).
With the standardised beauty glamourized by media and culture, Gimlin (2002) writes that
“women‟s bodies have fallen short of the ideal body in print and film” (p.5). As a result, the
imperfect body becomes a sign of an imperfect character whilst the ideal body represents
success, self-control and ultimate perfection. When women fail to emulate the images of
the „perfect‟ beauty, it can lead them to feel guilty or ashamed about their appearances.
Therefore, they must attempt to repair the blemished identities which imperfect bodies
symbolize. For example, the use of cosmetic surgery to create a slender body when dieting
and exercise fail. Cortese (2008) and McKinley (1999) add self-objectification and body
shame has been related to both low self-esteem and increased risk of psychological
problems such as eating disorders and depression. Phelan (2002) says the acknowledgement
of the importance of fashion and beauty in cultures and the consequences of various trends
towards women is essential to both health care professionals and women experts.

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Foot binding, high-heeled stilettos and toe shortening surgery
According to Thompson and Coughlin (1994), footwear has been an important attire since
early civilization which its main purpose is to protect the human feet. Throughout many
centuries, footwear has not only evolved but also has become a fashion and beauty
statement for the wearer (Phelan, 2002; Thompson and Coughlin, 1994). Although
Thompson and Coughlin (1994) report the “prevalence of foot problems have dramatically
increased” (p. 1586) in modern society, Phelan (2002) argues that foot problems have been
around since “the platform shoe has been in and out of fashion during the middle ages”
(p.140). Kippen (2005) and Gates (2007) agree with Phelan (2002) by highlighting how the
defunct practice known as Chinese foot binding, usually referred as lotus feet, had not only
“maintained its erotic attraction for Chinese men through lore and literature” (p.58) but also
left Chinese women and young girls deformed in ancient dynasties until its abolishment
during the early 20th century due to intervention by anti-foot binding movements and
legislations organized by a modern government, missionaries and Western educated locals
who deemed the practice as sado-ritualistic abuse.
According to Kippen (2005), historical evidence proves that “foot binding was practiced
amongst the daughters and wives of officials and noble families in China” (p.2) when
“large feet were despised and considered low class or grotesque” (p.1). In a time where feet
and shoes were symbols of aristocracy and pride within a patriarchical society, Ross (2001)
and Schnabel and Schnabel (1986) write that foot binding also “signalled the value of a
young woman as an object of exchange”, especially in a marriage market, and acted as a
“testament of a girl‟s ability to withstand the pain” (p. 313) of having her feet not only

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broken and bounded since infancy or childhood but also having to “walk on compressed
feet daily” (p.183).
Benamou (2006) adds that bounded feet were not only a symbol of the ideal feminine
beauty but also deemed as “a source of extreme sexual gratification to the Chinese male”
(p. 48). Foot binding was also considered as “a kind of chastity belt” (p.131) where it was
symbolized as a “practice which restricted women from exercising any freedom or
independence and thus protected their chastity” (Jeffreys, 2005). Dworkin (1974, cited by
Jeffreys, 2005) describes foot binding in ancient China as “the crippling of a woman where
man “glorifies in her agony, adores her deformity, and annihilates her freedom even if he
must destroy the bones in her feet do it‟” (p.112). According to Shennow (2001), the
fixation towards foot binding in Chinese society extended to brothels where women stood
behind screens that only revealed the tiny shoes they wore for their male clients to make
their selection. In addition, the practice of foot binding also saw the birth of „tiny feet
festivals‟, a beauty contest where all the female competitors were maidens with bound feet,
was held in many provinces in China
Mackie (1996) cites a source which quotes a discussion on the origin of foot binding which
was invented by a palace dancer during the Tang Dynasty. As a result, it began to “spread
as an imitation and eventually became a common practice amongst Chinese women from
middle and high classes for the sake of a proper marriage” (Mackie, 1996, p. 2). Benamou
(2006) explains the process of foot binding happens where Chinese mothers would “start
with their baby girls by turning their toes back, except the big toe, and bandaging the toes
back onto the foot” (p.47). As the pressure increased, Benamou (2006) adds that an “acute
angle was eventually achieved between the tarsals and the metatarsals where the feet were

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reduced to the ankle more, or less, where it could be shod with tiny shoes” (p. 47) which
were no bigger than a human fist, between three to four inches long. During the process of
foot binding, Shennow (2001) adds that the flesh beneath the bandages would rot due to the
lack of circulation. As a result, women with bound feet resorted to washing them in
perfumed water daily to minimize the rotting odour prior to wrapping them with clean, new
bandages and wearing their embroidered silk shoes.
Drucker (1981, cited by Mackie, 1996) reports the process of foot binding usually resulted
in complications such as “ulceration, paralysis, gangrene and mortifications of the lower
limbs” (p. 997) which Fairbanks (1992, cited by Mackie, 1996) believes they resulted in ten
per cent of girls dying as a result of foot binding. As a result of the binding, the extreme
contraction of the foot caused a hollow space to form underneath. Schnabel & Schnabel
(1986) describe the bound foot “resembled a pes cavus with a high instep and a prominent,
vertically placed heel” (p.183). Over time, the painful process of binding would not only
“reduce the length of each foot to a mere three inches” (Thompson & Coughlin, 1994, p.
1586) but also Levy (1966, cited by Jeffreys, 2005) states the feet become “practically dead
and painless” (p.130). As a result, Schnabel & Schnabel (1986) state that the deformity
severely limited a woman‟s ability to walk or perform weight-bearing household chores
such as collecting water from a well or gardening. Therefore, it became fashionable for
Chinese women with bound feet to be carried around in sedan chairs or have their domestic
maids perform household tasks in their stead. Although bound feet were the object of
sensuality, wealth, and ideal feminine beauty, Thomas and Coughlin (1994) highlight that
practice not only caused “severe deformities of the feet of Chinese young women but also
serious difficulties with walking in their later years” (p. 1586). Cunningham and Stone

16
(1997) agree by stating medical evidence of elderly women with bound feet who are more
likely to fracture their hips and other bones from falls, since they could not balance whilst
walking or rise securely from chairs.
Although Ross (2001) believes Chinese foot binding practice is extinct and the tiny shoes
serve as proof that such impossibly formed feet once existed, Thompson and Coughlin
(1994) argue how the desire to make feet appear daintier and narrower is prevalent in
modern societies, especially within the Western context, as it was in the Eastern cultures of
the past. Jeffreys (2005) agrees by stating that the appreciation towards high heels today
“resembles in many respects the attitudes of individuals in Imperial China have towards
foot binding” (p. 138). Unlike the ancient three-inch lotus feet, high heeled shoes, such as
stilettos, usually make the feet “appear smaller because they place them in a more vertical
position” (Thompson and Coughlin, 1994, p. 1587).
Benamou (2006) and Phelan (2005) say high heels were invented in Venice, Italy during
the 16 th century where they had been in and out of fashion “since the middle ages where
they could be up to 30 inches tall” (p.140) and were commonly associated with aristocracy
and wealth. Although Phelan (2005) believes high heels and stilettos of today are now “up
to six inches” (p.140) and are less damaging than its ancient sister, Chinese foot binding,
their tall spiked heels and narrower toe boxes, usually tapered to needle points, are reported
to not only place “increased pressure on the ball of the foot” (p.183) but also “encourage
the development of corns, bunions, calluses, ingrown toe nails and hammer toes” (Schnabel
and Schnabel, 1986, p. 183). Phelan (2005) supports Schnabel and Schnabel‟s (1986) report
that high heels decrease the leverage of the foot as a result of the wearer walking on one‟s
toes. Like ancient Chinese foot binding, Sherrow (2001) states high heels not only elongate

17
the appearance of the wearer‟s legs but also “cause their hips to sway” (p. 120). As a result
of the reduced leverage, the wearer not only “loses her sense of balance and ability to judge
distance to the ground” (p. 140) but also “increases the likelihood of sprains and fractures”
(Schnabel and Schnabel, 1986, p. 184).
As the popularity of high heels and stilettos grow in a “world where „some women invest
more in their shoes than they do in the stock market‟” (Volandes, 2006, p. 74), Jeffreys
(2005) writes that cosmetic surgeons offer surgeries to women which involve the
shortening of the toes and narrowing of the feet. In some cases, it is reported that some
women request to “get their little toes cut off” in order to fit into Jimmy Choos and Manolo
Blahniks (Jeffreys, 2005, p. 144). Harris (2003) writes women undergo the procedure
known as toe-tuck surgery “to improve the appearance of the foot or help them to fit into
fashionable shoes” (p.1) where it involves the feet being “chiselled, chopped and filed into
submission” (Shields, p. 12). Gifford-Jones (2004) cites Dreeben‟s report that most women
undergoing toe-tuck surgery have normal feet and consider undergoing surgery to enable
them to fit into fancy shoes rather than purchase footwear for comfort. Kadel (2004, cited
by Gifford-Jones, 2004) supports Dreeben‟s (2004) statement by writing that toe-tuck
surgery results in some women ending up with lifelong complications such as deformities,
chronic pain and difficulties in walking which prevent them from wearing any kind of shoe
comfortably. Jeffreys (2005) concludes that the toe shortening surgery is not only a clear
parallel with ancient Chinese foot binding but also is considered as an example of a twenty-
first century beauty practice which is “more brutal and invasive” (p.145).

18
Corsets, weight-loss surgery, dieting, and fattening rooms
As old and controversial as the ancient Chinese foot binding, Phelan (2002) and Steele
(2001) say the corset is not only renowned for creating the hourglass figure or was a
symbol of self-discipline, beauty and erotic allure but also was an “essential element of
fashionable dress” (p.1) throughout the western world from the late Renaissance to the
early twentieth century. The corset begun as a finely decorated outer garment during the
medieval era and later became an undergarment of the 19th century where the wasp-like
waist of less than 17 inches became desirable and heavily priced (Phelan, 2002). Although
Steele (2001) says the corset is today “universally condemned as having been an instrument
of women‟s oppression” (p.1), Summers (2001) argues it was not only essential in
constructing femininity and a class-based identity but also the corset was heavily prized by
fashion-conscious women because of its ability to “craft the flesh into class-appropriate
contours” (p.9). In addition, the corset was used by women to “strengthen and protect their
class hegemony” (p.10) or to enable them to escape their working class origins and
mobilize them to move upwards into a higher social class.
In an era when the maintenance of status was heavily emphasized which Davies (1982)
says “the wearing of corsets in England and America was the „hallmark of virtue‟” (p. 619),
Summers (2001) writes the corset had been “the subject of intense medical and scientific
scrutiny since the 1860s” (p.49). Steele (2001, p.70) agrees by citing Gau‟s (1998)
statement that the corset reduces the wearer‟s lung capacity which resulted in dyspnea 3 and
abnormal breathing patterns. In addition, the frequent use of the corset subjects the human
torso to pressures of 30 to 85 pounds which “reduces the circumference of the lower and
3 Dyspnea – shortness of breath

19
abdomen by 6 inches” (Phelan, 2002, p.138), thus altering the position of the internal
organs. For example, the liver fills the entire right side of the abdomen and the fat and
muscles of the abdominal wall atrophying until the peristaltic waves could be seen clearly
through the skin (Schnabel and Schnabel, 1986). Summers (2001) adds that medical
accounts by Victorian physicians prove that long term corsetry is responsible for digestive
problems, such as constipation, as a result of the stomach and intestines being constricted
by frequent tight-lacing. Contemporary corset enthusiasts agree by reporting how even
modern corsets, like its ancient versions, make eating too much uncomfortable for the
wearer. Chavasse (1898, cited by Summers, 2001) also believes that corsetry could
contribute to spontaneous abortion, reduced fertility and has the potential to affect the
development and the well-being of the foetus.
Although corsets are now reduced to being part of pop culture and the wardrobes of modern
haute couture, fashion and media often place an increased emphasis on being thin (Phelan,
2002). Amidst the frequent pressures to conform or achieve the ideal body size and weight,
many women are likely to end up with body dissatisfaction which Ogden and Mundray
(1996) describe it as not only “in terms of attempts to restrain food intake” but also
“express in discrepancies between the perceived and desired body size and weight” (p.
171). Cortese (2008) writes as one continuously monitors one‟s physical appearance and
constantly internalizes cultural standards of feminine beauty, it has been reported that “self-
objectification is often related to eating disorders and depression” (p. 61).
According to a 1994 report, the weight-loss industry in America contributed $32.6 billion
to its economy through commercial weight-loss programmes, health club memberships and
self-help books on dieting (Sarwer et. al., 2003). In the wake of growing prevalence of

20
obesity, Sarwer et. al (2003) says more individuals turn to dieting to improve their health
status when the primary motivation is to transform one‟s appearance from the unacceptable
to the accepted ideal. As a result, most women have been reported to “actively trying to
lose weight at anytime, with most regaining the unwanted weight within less than one year”
as a result of fad diets and crash dieting in order to gain the bodies they desire to emulate in
a short amount of time (Phelan, 2002, p. 139). Goss and Gilbert (2002) writes that
individuals with disordered eating behaviour or eating disorders often meet with a variety
of physiological changes which Keys, Broze and Henschel (1950, cited by Goss & Gilbert,
2002) believe it could affect the individual‟s health and well-being in relation to weight
maintenance and body image.
When diet and exercise fail to give the individuals the idealized body shape they desire to
achieve or to “alter a physical attribute which is known as a „genetic flaw‟” (p. 78), Gimlin
(2002) writes cosmetic surgery is one of the “astounding lengths which contemporary
women will go in order to obtain bodies that meet the current ideals of attractiveness” (p.
78). Although Wolf (1991, cited by Gimlin, 2002) says cosmetic surgery is rapidly
expanding, Gimlin (2000) argues that many social critics and theorists consider it to be the
“ultimate symbol of invasion of the human body for the sake of physical beauty” (p.78)
which Bordo (1990, cited by Gimlin, 2002) calls it „cultural plastic‟ where the body no
longer stands as a symbol of identity alone but also as a “commodity where it could be
continuously upgraded and modified in accordance with new interests and greater
resources”(p. 78). Although many, including Jeffreys (2005), consider and challenge
cosmetic surgery as harmful, destructive, and most often, unnecessary, Gimlin (2002) says
women undergo such procedures are “simply making do within a culture that they believe

21
rewards them for their looks” (p. 97). However, Davis (1995) argues that cosmetic surgery
on the female body can be an informed choice for women caught between female
liberation, which is the celebration of natural beauty and body acceptance, and the beauty
system.
Whilst women in developed nations pride themselves to be slender through diets, exercise
and sometimes, aesthetic surgery, Onishi (2001) argues it is the contrary in Africa where
thinness is associated with illness, poverty, unattractiveness and infertility. Hawks (2001)
says corpulent women in many parts of Africa are not just associated with wealth, sexual
desirability and high social status but also symbolise successful and happy husbands. Brink
(1995) adds that overweight or large women in Central and West Africa are frequently
described as “women of substance” (p. 71) who are the perfect embodiment of health,
feminine beauty and fertility. In order to enable African females to fulfil the corpulence
ideal held by their societies, they undergo a fattening process, sometimes known as leblūh 4
(Popenoe, 2004). Bernus (1991, cited by Popenoe, 2004) notes the fattening process is done
to “accelerate puberty and enhance the marriageability of girls” (p. 39).
Hawks (2001) provide an example where in Kenya, heavier and bigger brides receive a
higher bride wealth as a reward of being able to fulfil the fatness ideal held by their
communities. In addition, stretch marks on a plump woman‟s body are considered as both
marks of beauty and achievement where the female has successfully attained the fat ideal
(Popenoe, 2005). Although Brinks (1990) reports that adolescent girls and women usually
undergo the fattening process to prepare them for marriage or assist them to conceive their
4 Leblūh- „Forced feeding‟ in Galgaliyya Arabic

22
first children, some girls begin the process after their first two milk teeth fall out, a sign that
their bodies will enter female adulthood (Popenoe, 2004). As a result, Popenoe (2005) adds
that Central and West African girls learn about „the value of fatness‟ where they must
maintain their fatness throughout their adult lives as their bodies are “potent symbols of
their menfolk‟s success” (p. 18).
Often considered as a rite of passage for young African females, Brink (1990) says girls
undergoing the fattening process are known as mbobo5 where they are in seclusion for
weeks or months. Whilst in seclusion, the mbobo is forbidden from doing any physical
work, exercise or household chores, where a small child of either sex is employed by her
family to perform her tasks (Brink, 1995). Throughout the fattening process, Popenoe
(2004) notes the mbobo consumes a carbohydrate-rich diet, usually lacking in fruit and
vegetables, and large quantities of milk and millet between regular meals daily to hasten the
fattening process. However, Popenoe (2004) states that the fattening process often involves
the elders exerting greater authority onto the mbobo. As a result, the mbobo is subjected to
yellings and beatings where she endures physical pain and force-feeding daily, mostly
against her will. Popenoe (2004) provides an example of an African woman of Azwagh
Arab descent who recalled a childhood experience where her mother stood on her hand and
fractured her wrist to “make her drink her porridge” (p. 46). Although the infliction of
physical pain onto a mbobo would be perceived as harmful in the Western point of view,
Popenoe (2004) argues the use of corporal punishment during the fattening process is
considered as “the disciplining of the body” (p. 47) as well as the process of disciplining
the girl‟s mind and soul. However, if the female fails to live up to the fat ideal, it is
5 Mbobo- „Fattening room girls‟ in Annang language

23
“thought to be her own fault” (p. 25) and therefore, rendering her ineligible for marriage
(Popenoe, 2005).
Although Hawks (2001) maintains the slenderness ideal has spread into Africa due to the
influence of global media, improved health system and wider access to education for girls,
Brink (1995) argues the fattening process still exists as a modernized version under a
different name amongst girls from wealthy or influential families in their communities.
Onishi (2001) agrees by stating that women in Africa, often facing the pressure to fulfil the
plumpness ideal, would resort to steroids, fattening pills or animal feed to enable them to
gain weight. However, Batouré (2001, cited by Onishi, 2001) believes the ingestion of
animal feed and other chemical products can cause lasting health complications to women
such as organ failure and poisoning. Popenoe (2005) concludes the African fattening
rooms, like its Western slimming routine, is an odious task of living up to a body ideal
where an African woman‟s corpulent body consisting of rolls of fat, stretch marks and a
large behind signals „a condition of desirability‟ (p. 23) where it simultaneously excites and
denies sexuality.
Whitening and tanning of the skin
Draelos (2002) and Phelan (2002) write that skin colour has always been a source of
fixation for mankind from all cultures where it not only represents one‟s health condition or
attractiveness but also his or her social status and wealth. Therefore, Glenn (2008) believes
skin tone is often perceived as a “form of fixed or unchangeable capital” (p. 282) which
individuals attempt lighten or darken to enable them to be accepted as desirable or part of
the in-crowd where one‟s worth is judged based his appearance. Sherrow (2001) agrees and

24
states that individuals from various cultures and eras have used various substances and
formulations to make one‟s skin paler or darker.
Throughout human history pale skin was not only desired or connoted the signs of beauty
and a higher social status but also symbolised purity which people used various herbs and
even homemade cosmetics to whiten or bleach their skins. Sherrow (2001) and Pointer
(2005) provide an example of how women during the Roman Empire and the Elizabethan
era resorted to using face whiteners made of ceruse, a type of lead compound, which they
thinly applied to their faces and necks to achieve the pale matt complexion. Although
ceruse was the highly preferred cosmetic among European women, especially from noble
or royal status, due to its whitening properties without the need for heavy application,
Pointer (2005) and Corson (2003) mention it was not only for severely ravaging the skin
followed by other health problems such as poisoning and hair loss. Despite scientists and
physicians warning against the use of ceruse, Sherrow (2001) stated some women
continued to use it until rice powder was introduced during the 1700s as a safer and
harmless substitute. During the reign of Queen Victoria when tanned skin was the sign of a
lowly status or a negative connotation associated with the term „temptress‟, Phelan (2002)
wrote women would preserve or achieve the pale complexion by not only avoiding
household tasks which required toiling under the sun but also carrying parasols, wearing
bonnets and gloves, and some resorting to smaller doses of arsenic. Dadie and Petit (2009)
add that radiation therapy had been advocated by some American physicians during 1900s.
However, like ceruse during pre-Victorian times, the use of arsenic and radiation therapy
also left side-effects that affected the users‟ health (Dadie and Petit, 2009).

25
From the colonisation era in the 1800s and the present, Hunter (2002) and Glenn (2008)
write that women of colour, especially from Africa and many parts of Asia, are oppressed
by the European ideals of beauty where dark or tanned skin is often associated with
primitiveness, lack of sophistication, hard labour and lower social status. Whereas, fair skin
is not only a symbol of beauty but also is associated with better employment and marital
prospects (Dadie and Petit, 2009). Shankar and Subish (2007) and Leong (2006) agree that
the greater preference for fair or „white‟ skin in both post-colonial African and Asian
societies is a colonial legacy where advertisements and skin-lightening products feature
pale-skinned celebrities and models which present a combination of traditional and
Westernised visual signifiers to evoke sophistication and purity. Glenn (2008) provides an
example of a Malaysian television advertisement that shows a college student feeling
despaired because she could not get the attention of a boy in her class due to her dark
complexion. As a result, the female character in the advertisement uses Pond‟s lightening
moisturiser which not only made her “several shades lighter” (p. 298) but also catches the
attention of that male classmate. At present, Ashikari (2005) and Chong (2005) state many
non-Western women, especially from Asian communities, are resorting to skin-whitening
cosmetics or beauty regimes, wearing masks and hats, and shielding themselves outdoors
with umbrellas and long gloves in order to preserve or enhance their pale complexion.
Although skin lightening or „whitening‟ products have been claimed or marketed to
guarantee users that they will attain the pale and radiant complexion they desired, Easton
(1998), Fuller (2006) and Olumide et. al. (2008) highlight numerous medical reports stating
health-related complications arising from the use of skin lightening cosmetics, especially
those which are not regulated by health officials and are often sold as bootleg products.

26
According to Dadie and Petit (2009) and Olumide et. al. (2008), hydroquinone and mercury
are the most common ingredients found in many skin whitening or bleaching products
which not only poison users but also left them with irreversible skin conditions. Fuller
(2006) cites an example where Thai dermatologists have reported individuals ending up
with leukoderma6 or ochronosis 7 as a result of using bleaching or whitening agents
containing hydroquinone. As a result, Fuller (2006) writes these skin conditions are not
only irreversible and unsightly but also leave its sufferers with a lifelong of shame, loss of
self-esteem and loss of opportunities in life. For example, in the case of a Thai nightclub
singer, Panya, who lost her livelihood at a restaurant after she ends up with an irreversible
skin condition on her face due to using an illegally produced bleaching lotion for two
months (Fuller, 2006). Counter (2003) and Olumide et. al. (2008) write that mercury in
skin-lightening creams and soaps not only cause neurological and kidney damage but also
is responsible for discolouration of skin and nails resulting from prolonged use. Al-Saleh
and Al-Doush (1997) add that it is also fatal to the development of the foetus by “affecting
membrane function” (p. 124). Counter (2003) provides an example where a three-month-
old infant was diagnosed having kidney, eye and blood disorders as a result of the mother
using mercury-containing whitening products during and post-pregnancy. Therefore, Dadie
and Petit (2009) not only believes that awareness on the dangers of skin whitening should
be spread to the public via education and health campaigns but also Glenn (2008) concludes
that individuals from non-Western societies are taught that beauty valorises every skin
shade instead of upholding and internalizing the “white is right” values.
6 Leukoderma- An irreversible skin condition where the skin loses the ability to produce pigment resulting in
patches of pink and/or brown.
7 Ochronosis- An appearance of dark patches on the skin which are difficult to be removed

27
According to Vannini and McCright (2004), enthusiasm towards tanned skin has varied
across both time and space. Although tanned skin had been shunned and often associated
with labour and humble origins as a result of toiling in the fields under the sun, Draelos
(2002) states there are reports of Egyptians using burnt ochre and crushed beetle shells to
adorn their faces as well as ancient human beings using burnt ashes to darken their skin.
Like the modern fake tan sprays and tanning booths, recreational tanning was done
occasionally during the olden eras. Tanned bodies became fashionable during the 1920s
when renowned French designer, Coco Chanel, was photographed with a suntan (Sherrow,
2001). Eventually, it not only broke the ideal beauty of the delicate pallor among
Westerners but also tanning became popular and began to signify the affluent lifestyle and
good health.
Although numerous research having proven that premature aging and skin cancer are
associated with tanning, Draelos (2002) says it still remains a popular practice in the
modern age where bronzed skin is highly prized. Sherrow (2001) states that a variety of
creams, sprays and lotions are manufactured to be used on the face and body to give a
temporary tan without facing the risk of a sunburn. Vannini and McCright (2004) add that
the popularity of tanned skin is fuelled further by the emergence of tanning booths and
salons during the 1980s in Western countries. However, Draelos (2002) argues tanning
from an artificial tanning booth does pose the same risk as prolonged natural sun exposure
which is ignored by many individuals. Rawe and Scully (2006) agree by stating that doctors
and dermatologists voice their concerns towards increasing melanoma rates, especially
among adolescents and young adults, due to the growing popularity of indoor tanning.

28
As the popularity of the tanned body remains, especially among Western youths, authors
such as Kornblum (2004) and Nolan, Taylor, Liguori and Feldman (2009) state tanning
addiction or tanorexia is on the increase amongst those who frequent tanning salons or lie
under the sun. Although Kornblum (2004) writes that tanorexia is not a diagnosable
medical condition, Phillips et. al. (2006) argue that tanorexia or BDD 8-related tanning is a
severe disorder which is defined as a preoccupation with one‟s complexion where the
sufferer thinks he or she is too pale or not tanned enough when actually the individual is
normal. As a result, tanorexics 9 resort to frequent use of tanning salons or lying under the
sun to darken “pale” skin colour. Rawe and Scully (2006) support Phillips et. al. (2006) by
citing a survey that states more women are reported to be using tanning beds on a regular
basis to not only maintain their tanned complexions all year-around but also to emulate
famous tanned celebrities like Paris Hilton and Jessica Simpson. Although, tanorexia is
considered as a BDD-related disorder, Feldman (2006, cited by Burton, 2006) cites a study
conducted on frequent tanners which explains the reason why individuals become addicted
to tanning that are due to cutaneous endorphins being produced when one is exposed under
the UV 10 rays. When the endorphins are released into a tanner‟s system, Feldman (2006,
cited by Burton, 2006) describes how it leaves him or her feeling relaxed or experience a
positive mood change after a tanning session. Similar to a drug, UV-induced endorphins are
reported to reinforce tanning addiction among frequent tanners.
Although Draelos (2002) says a tan remains fashionable in modern Western society,
Counter (2003) states that lying under the sun or in a tanning bed in a pursuit of a bronzed
8 BDD- Body dysmorphic disorder
9 Tanorexics- Sufferers of tanorexia or BDD-related tanning
10 UV- Ultraviolet

29
complexion is as hazardous as one using skin-whitening products, to achieve the delicate
pallor. Therefore, there is a need to not only educate individuals that they are as beautiful as
they are regardless whether they have a natural pallor or a beautiful tan but also an effort to
counteract overrepresentations of tanned bodies as the ideal beauty at media and societal
levels.
Body hair and hair removal methods
Toerien and Wilkinson (2003) cite Synott‟s (1993) statement that body hair reflects the
cultural and social distinctions between femininity and masculinity throughout ancient and
modern societies in both Eastern and Western contexts. Sherrow (2001) adds that attitudes
towards female body hair vary from place to place where some societies considered certain
parts of body hair as a sign of unattractiveness or a sign of poor personal grooming. In
addition, Toerien and Wilkinson (2003) write how female body hair has not only been
associated with female wantonness or a lack of femininity but also was linked with insanity
and witchcraft during the olden eras. For example, Ferrante (1988, cited by Toerien and
Wilkinson, 2003) describes during the Middle Ages in France, it was common for women
caught in witch-hunts to be shaven by interrogators who believed that body hair represented
strength and protection through black magic and the devil. However, some societies have
positive views towards female body hair, for example, European Jews considered female
body hair to be a sign of good luck during the medieval times (Sherrow, 2001). Like the
European Jews, the unibrow connoted wisdom to the ancient Greeks whilst Halprin (1995)
writes the Kenyans consider women‟s facial hair as a sign of family honour. Moreover,
removing body hair was once deemed immoral by conservatives due to women‟s bodies
which were not on public display (Toerien and Wilkinson, 2003).

30
In the modern age, hairlessness and depilation is strongly normative for women in
contemporary societies. Basow and Braman (1998) and Labre (2002) state that many
women of today resort to various hair removal methods to not only enable them to adhere
to the ideal of feminine beauty but also hairlessness is associated with social and economic
advancement. However, Toerien, Wilkinson and Choi (2005) argue that body hair removal
for women originates from different cultures ranging from Ancient Egypt to India and the
Middle East. Therefore, depilation is shown to be neither modern nor purely a Western
trend. According to Sherrow (2001), the use of wax for depilation at home or beauty salons
in contemporary societies could be dated back to the Ancient Egyptians where women used
warm liquid wax to create a clean look on certain parts of their bodies.
Before do-it-yourself hair removal creams, shaving products, chemical depilatories and
electrolysis devices are available today, different depilation methods existed since wax was
introduced by the Egyptians. Basow (1991) reports that women in Ancient Rome used hot
tar and razor sharp shells, similar to today‟s modern shavers and hair removal creams, to
remove body hair. One of the most ancient but popular hair removal methods created many
centuries ago is threading or sometimes known as „khite‟ in the Middle East or „fatla‟ to the
Egyptians (Verma, 2008). According to Verma (2008), threading, now growing in
popularity in Western societies, is used to either give the eyebrow an aesthetically pleasing
shape or remove unwanted facial hair involving the beautician‟s speed and precision.
Threading is done where the beautician holds one end of a cotton thread in her mouth and
holds the eyebrow or facial hairs between the string, which is wound around the
beautician‟s fingers like a loop. The thread is looped around a few hair shafts and then the
hairs are removed with brisk movements in an instance.

31
According to Sherrow (2001), one depilation method is used by many women to not only
allow them to fit the hairless ideal but also to permanently rid of unwanted hairs around
their face, brows and certain parts of their bodies. The method known as electrolysis was
devised by Charles E. Michel during the 1800s which involved inserting an electrified fine
needle into a hair follicle and allowing electrical currents to destroy the individual hair at
the root. After a successful experimentation, Sherrow (2001) adds Michel developed
improved and safer methods for electrolysis which eventually led to women seeking the
inventor for permanent depilation treatments. Although electrolysis is considered as the
most effective method for permanent body hair removal, it can be time-consuming,
uncomfortable and costly.
Although Labre (2002) writes that body hair removal is one of the routines of beautification
where women attempt to fulfil the ideal of feminine beauty or to preserve and/or restore
femininity, Sherrow (2001) and Chapkis (1986, cited by Labre, 2002) argue that hair
removal has been controversial like other grooming practices where it is not only a
reflection of demands from a patriarchical-dominated culture but also deemed as time-
consuming, repetitive and subjugate women into a narrow beauty ideal. Therefore, Toerien
and Wilkinson (2003) believe the inevitability of the norm of hairlessness is an issue we not
only question but also challenge the “restrictive construction of the feminine woman” (p.
343).

32
Teeth and cosmetic dentistry
Sherrow (2001) writes teeth in the ancient and contemporary eras not only signify youth
and good health, which are the desirable traits in seeking the perfect mate, but also as
symbols for higher economic and social status. In addition, Nalbandian and Millar (2009)
states the appearance of the human teeth, ranging from colour to alignment, have been an
important indicator to facial attractiveness. Throughout many eras, teeth have not only been
subjected to being adorned and chiselled into particular shapes but also various treatments
have been available to alter, clean, repair and replace teeth (Sherrow, 2001).
According to Corson (2003) and Sherrow (2001), oral health could be dated back to the
ancient Egyptians and Romans where physicians learnt to not only treat swollen gums and
tooth decay but also developed teeth fillings using enamel and gold. During the Elizabethan
era, which Corson (2003) writes where a lack of proper dental care was common, tiny wax
balls called puffers were used by Englishwomen of nobility status to maintain the shape of
their cheeks due to their missing back teeth (Sherrow, 2001). Compared to the past,
modern-day dentistry has improved tremendously where individuals are not only educated
on the importance of oral health but also provide them opportunities to whiten, shape or
straighten their teeth to not only enhance their smiles but also enable them to possess
beautiful teeth like what are often seen through media and advertising.
Bloom and Padayachy (2006) believe with cosmetic dentistry, it is possible to not only
rehabilitate functionally compromised dentition but also aesthetically transform an
individual‟s teeth to enable patients to preserve or regain their smiles. Sherrow (2001)
agrees by stating how the perception towards teeth colour varies between cultures and

33
societies. Although teeth with white or natural shades are considered beautiful in the
contemporary viewpoint, it was considered unattractive in some ancient eras. For example,
Japanese women during the Heian era (794-1185) practiced ohaguro, the act of blackening
their teeth, with a concoction of powdered iron fillings and water or vinegar. Hattab,
Qudeimat and Al-Rimawi (1999) believe the practice of ohaguro was done to not just
prevent oral decay but also to signify the women had come of age or to artfully hide their
mouth expressions. Ai, Ishikawa and Seino (1965, cited by Hattab et. al, 1999) provide
scientific evidence that ohaguro-treated teeth are resistant against demineralization of the
enamel. Sherrow (2001) provides a similar example where Egyptians considered red teeth,
tinted with ochre, to be appealing.
However, to possess white teeth is now considered attractive, healthy and a sign of proper
oral hygiene. Modern dentistry now offer veneers which make it possible for a dental
patient to cosmetically achieve the desired white shade and particular teeth shape
resembling a celebrity‟s smile seen in fashion and beauty magazines. In addition, Sherrow
writes (2001) teeth whitening also range between the use of baking soda and tooth powder
as home remedies to the bleaching procedure offered in dental clinics. Ritter (2002) and
Sherrow (2001) add teeth whitening is now offered in forms of tooth-whitening toothpastes
and customised whitening trays. However, dental experts and critics have reported the use
of teeth whitening or bleaching products, whether excessively or improperly, is harmful to
the enamel which not only causes tooth sensitivity or severe decay but also the repairs on
damages are costly. Therefore, Bloom and Padayachy (2006) suggest value and safety of
the oral patient are to be done with care where cosmetic dentistry is performed by a dental

34
professional which will not only maintain the health of one‟s teeth but also guarantees
continuous patient satisfaction.
Hair: Dyeing and permanent styling
Although hair does not have vital functions on the human body, Harrison and Sinclair
(2004) believe it plays a role in an individual‟s self-image against a backdrop of cultural
and societal views. Rosenthal (2004) writes hair is also associated with transformative life
experiences such as coming-of-age rites of passage. For example, young Wayana Indian
females in South America cut their hairs to mark a transition from childhood to adulthood
(Sherrow, 2001). Hair has been styled and manipulated to enable individuals to fulfil the
dictates of fashion and feminine beauty in both historical and contemporary eras. For
example, during the Elizabethan era, Sherrow (2001) explains how some European women
would pluck their hairlines in order to emulate the high foreheads of the noble women from
the royal courts of England, France and Holland. However, hair also symbolises rebellion
against societal norms such as the popularity of the hippies‟ long, untamed hair in the
1970s or the flappers‟ short haircuts of the 1920s (Synott, 1987; Sherrow, 2001).
The hair grooming industry of the present is now one of the largest beauty industries since
hair adornments and grooming rituals were introduced during ancient times (Sherrow,
2001). From dyeing to styling hair into having straight locks or beautiful curls, Harrison
and Sinclair (2004) says one is not only enable to have the desired hair colour or style
which represents one‟s individuality or fulfil the ideals of attractiveness, but also the wearer
is subjecting her hair to changes that alter its physical properties. Therefore, researchers and
manufacturers have been conducting studies and seeking new ideas to improve hair care

35
and grooming products, for home and in beauty salons, to fulfil consumers‟ growing
demands for hair-styling items which could not only maintain their hair regularly in daily
life but also improve the texture and condition of their hair (Sherrow, 2001). For example,
the introduction of safer but advanced permanent straightening chemicals made it possible
for women to attain permanently straightened locks from home or in the salon without any
irritation on the scalp (de Sá Dias, Baby, Kaneko and Robles Velasco, 2007).
Harrison and Sinclair (2004) writes that hair dyes are used to not only change one‟s natural
colour but also to cover greying hairs. Use of hair dyes can be dated back to the ancient
Mesopotamian and Persian empires where botanical ingredients such as walnut hull extract,
camomile and henna were used to darken or brighten one‟s hair (Sherrow, 2001). Sherrow
(2001) adds that other common substances such as wine, roots and later, chemicals such as
lead and sulphur powder had been experimented with to highlight, lighten or darken their
hair. However, the use of lead and sulphur powder as dyes in the 1600s had been reported
to cause negative side effects such as poisoning, nose bleeds, and death (Sherrow, 2001).
Like clothes, preferences towards hair colour and dyeing varied throughout human history.
Pitman (2003) gives an example where during the early Roman era, to have dyed blonde
hair or to sport a blonde wig was always negatively associated with prostitution. However,
by the twentieth century, blonde hair began to be associated with youth and sex appeal due
to the popularity of blonde celebrities such as Jean Harlow, Brigette Bardot and Marilyn
Monroe (Pitman, 2003; Sherrow, 2001). As a result, many women began to bleach or
lighten their hairs in order to emulate the lighter shades popularised by these actresses.
Therefore, Sherrow (2001) believes to dye one‟s hair is not just a beauty trend which paves

36
an opportunity for individuals to copy the hair colour of renowned celebrities and models
but also to express one‟s individuality.
Although Harrison and Sinclair (2004) believe that modern synthetic dyes are created to be
safer and long-lasting than its predecessors, Patlak (1993) argues that many critics question
the safety of hair dyes. In addition, a recent FDA11 report not only states that the ingredients
of modern hair dyes are derived from petroleum sources but also associated with allergy
reactions and increasing rates of cancer (Patlak, 1993; Sherrow, 2001). Despite the safety of
the hair dyes being questioned in relation to health issues, Patlak (1993) concludes that
researchers and consumer experts alike continue to monitor and study the safety of hair-dye
ingredients. In addition, scientists have warned women against the use of hair dyes during
pregnancy to avoid possible birth defects or other problems affecting fetal development.
Therefore, consumers have to proceed with caution and make considerations when they
select or use hair dyes throughout their lifetime (Patlak, 1993).
Throughout many eras, curls and straight hair have gone in and out of fashion where
women have tried pomades and other methods to create curls or straighten their locks.
According to de Sà Dias et. al (2007) and Sherrow (2001), permanent styling was
introduced in the early twentieth century which finally enable women to achieve longer
lasting curls or iron-straight hair today. Harrison and Sinclair (2004) define permanent
styling as a chemical process of altering the structure of the hair shaft so that the new hair
shape will remain the same throughout several washes until it grows out. As a result of
using permanent styling chemicals, women are encouraged to subject their hair to the
process of straightening or curling at their will (de Sà Dias et. al, 2007).
11 FDA- Food and Drug Administration

37
Although permanent styling has made it possible for women to achieved the hairstyles they
desire, Robinson (1976) and Harrison and Sinclair (2004) argues that it is harmful to both
hair and scalp health. For example, de Sà Dias et. al. (2007) state how some permanent
styling chemicals not only irritate to the scalp but also are capable of damaging the hair
until it is dry and prone to breakage. Therefore, the importance of cautiously selecting a
product suitable for the consumer depends on not just the hair texture but also differing
reaction towards them during the process of straightening or curling. However, Jeffreys
(2005) believes that permanent styling, especially straightening, has been labelled as a
harmful beauty practice which “creates an impossible goal of emulating whiteness” (p. 113)
for black women since the early 1900s through advertising and social attitudes. Etcoff
(1999) explains this attitude prevailed until a Black Pride movement in 1960s America
encouraged women of African descent to take pride in their heritage and non-Western
beauty by embracing their dreadlocks and afros. As a result, hair care products for African
women were introduced into the mainstream Western market. Therefore, it shows that hair
is not just both a physiological phenomenon and a social distinction but also it is a symbol
of self and a mode of individuality (Synott, 1987).
Female genital cutting and female genital cosmetic surgery
Toubia (1995) writes that certain surgical procedures in many civilizations have been
symbolised as either a religious or ethnic identity that plays a role in the socio-political
history of a group (Toubia, 1995). For example, male circumcision which is significantly
linked to Muslim and Jewish cultures. Female genital cutting (FGC), also known as
infibulation or female circumcision, is a traditional procedure which involves the process of
partial or total removal of the external female genitalia (Morison et. al. 2001; Oldfield

38
Hayes, 1975). Despite a great attempt to eradicate female genital cutting, Toubia (1995)
and Cook, Dickens and Fathalla (2002) maintain that female genital cutting remains
prevalent today not only in many African countries but also among African immigrant
communities in developed Western countries such as Sweden, France and United States.
Tabrizi (2004) provides an example of a recent case where an American man of Ethiopian
origin was criminally charged for circumcising his two-year-old daughter with a pair of
scissors.
Although Toubia (1995) says female genital cutting is commonly practiced when a female
child is at her infancy or pre-pubescent stage, Tabrizi (2004) argues that adult African
women are often socially coerced into this cultural but dangerous practice to not only
improve the aesthetic attractiveness of the vagina but enable them to become marketable
for marriage where chastity and modesty are highly-valued. Mackie (1996) adds how the
practice of female genital cutting (FGC) serves as a proof of a woman‟s virginity, thereby,
fuelling the belief that it “secures fidelity by reducing a woman‟s desire” (p. 1004).
Morison et. al. (2001) quote a 2000 report that states around 130 million women worldwide
have undergone FGC and about 2 million girls and women a year are subjected to such
operations. Moreover, this procedure is performed on children and women by traditional
practitioners under non-sterile conditions and the absence of painkillers and anaesthetics
(Mackie, 1996; Morison et. al, 2001; Tabrizi, 2004). Tabrizi (2004) gives an example
where an eight-year-old girl is subjected to FGC would be accompanied by celebrations
and other possible negative effects which could affect her well-being ranging from blood-
borne diseases to death.

39
Morison et. al. (2001) and Cook et. al (2002) describe FGC as an unethical and illegal
practice which seeks to not only harm women‟s health but as a manifestation of gender
inequality and the pressure placed onto girls to fulfil the definition of the ideal womanhood.
Toubia (1995) criticizes FGC as the female equivalent to the amputation of the penis which
denies a woman her right to sexuality and reproductive rights. In addition, there are
numerous reports that proven female genital cutting does not enhance female fertility or
improve infant survival during childbirth. Toubia (1995) and Mackie (1996) explain that
health consequences from FGC are usually severe where females are not only vulnerable to
septicaemia 12, severe pain or death but also face long-term complications such as urinary
tract infections, painful intercourse, infertility and childbirth difficulties. In addition,
Toubia (1995) provides an example of her clinical experience in Sudan where
psychological trauma, including chronic anxiety and depression, are evident among females
who undergone infibulation.
Cook et. al. (2002) states that FGC is considered as not only as a violation of human rights
but also as unlawful child abuse according to the UN Convention on the Rights of the
Child. For example, the growing practice of female circumcision among African immigrant
communities in United Kingdom between the late 1970s and 1980s has resulted the
enactment of the Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act in 1985. Therefore, it not only
made female circumcision illegal but also calls for coalitions to abolish it (Toubia, 1995).
However, Shell-Duncan (2001) highlights the issue of African immigrant communities
demanding for harm reduction and medicalisation of FGC in their home or adopted
12 Septicaemia- blood poisoning

40
countries. Gordon (1991, cited by Shell-Duncan), medical associations, and WHO 13 argue
that the incorporation of FGC into both local and global biomedical healthcare system not
only undermines the elimination of the practice but also denies females the right to keep
their bodies safe from any harmful practice which could threaten their health and well-
being. Tabrizi (2004) concludes that bans and laws are insufficient in tackling the issue of
FGC and Cook et. al. (2002) believe that education to communities is useful in helping to
protect the rights and well-being of women from the damaging consequences of female
circumcision.
As African female genital cutting is believed to improve the aesthetic attractiveness of the
female genital (Tabrizi, 2004), Green (2005) writes that Western female genital cosmetic
surgery, or FGCS, have given women the opportunity to “remodel their labias and vaginas
to a standard feminine „perfection‟” (p. 170). Unlike female genital cutting, Essen and
Johnsdotter (2004) believe that FGCS is done to emulate the „designer vagina‟ which is
influenced by pornography and provocative fashion advertising. However, surgeons argue
that FGCS is done to improve women‟s genital sexual function due to heightened
expectations for pleasure (Braun, 2005, cited by, Tiefer, 2008).
According to Tiefer (2008), FGCS first appeared in 1998 when two Los Angeles surgeons
publicised procedures that focussed on enhancing “vulvar appearance and orgasmic
functions” (p. 467). Although FGCS is often used by women with congenital conditions
such as intersex, Lloyd, Crouch, Minto, Liao and Creighton (2005) believe many women
undergo this procedure to achieve the „designer vagina‟ with the belief that her genitals are
not normal or ideal. In a patriarchal culture where women are trained to notice their
13 WHO- World Health Organization

41
genitalia more, Zawadi (2000, cited by Jeffreys, 2005) agrees that they reveal their self-
consciousness about the presumed ugliness of the female genitals. Like female genital
cutting, Western female genital cosmetic surgery can lead to risks such as scarring,
difficulties in sexual functioning, discomfort, loss of sensation and over-tightening of the
vaginal opening.
Branded as a Western cultural hypocrisy and being questioned about its legality (Braun,
2009), Jeffreys (2005) adds that FGCS is also the act of “carving the genitals of
pornography onto women‟s bodies” (p. 86) and can possibly be as damaging as African
female genital cutting. Essen and Johnsdotter (2004) conclude that there is a need to not
only highlight the issue of women holding beliefs towards the ideal female genital but also
stress the dangers and double standard of African FGC and Western FGCS.
Wigs and hair extensions
The use of wigs and hairpieces can be dated back to the ancient Egyptian and Roman eras
where both men and women have worn them for personal adornment, disguise or religious
reasons (Sherrow, 2001; Corson, 2003). However, wigs in ancient China and Japan were
only used for theatrical purposes such as stage operas. In addition, Fletcher (2002) states
that wigs were also used for hygiene reasons when hair was frequently plagued by parasitic
infestation such as lice. Sherrow (2001) argues that wigs sometimes were a health and
safety hazard. For example, during the late 1700s in France, heaver and taller wigs had
been reported to cause the wearers to sustain sores on their heads and sometimes, skin
abscesses14 on the scalp due to a lack of hygiene. Sherrow (2001) writes that most wigs
from ancient eras were not just obtained from humans through slavery or the selling of
14 Abscesses- Painful swellings containing pus

42
hairs of living or dead individuals but also from horses and other animals. Compared to its
modern versions which are made from vinyl and other synthetic materials, earlier wigs
were made from organic materials ranging from grass to plant fibres. Furthermore, Sherrow
(2001) explains whilst ancient wigs were dyed in natural hues with the use of indigo and
henna, modern wigs now come in a variety of shades ranging from natural black to bright
pink.
Other than being used as a personal adornment, Sherrow (2001) writes that wigs also
signified social class. For example, between the medieval and Elizabethan era, European
lower class individuals wore bushy wigs with a centre part known as a minor bob. Whereas,
the upper-class could afford to have wigs which were powdered in pastel coloured scented
powders or adorned with gems and hairpins. However, Sherrow (2001) explains that wigs
have been in and out of socio-political controversies throughout the 1700s in Europe. For
example, prior to the French revolution (1789), powdered wigs were a political issue where
many French people were going hungry due to commoners and the nobility hoarding flour
to use on their wigs. As a result, laws were passed in Europe which required people using
powdered wigs to pay a special annual tax which cost about one guinea or more to tackle
the misuse of flour to powder hairpieces.
Although wigs have remained popular in both Western and non-Western cultures for
theatrical purposes or to cover thinning hair, hair extensions have been growing in
popularity and are often seen on famous young celebrities such as Mischa Barton and
Victoria Beckham. However, Fletcher (2002) argues that hair extensions existed during the
ancient Eqyptian era, as early as 3400 B.C, where false braids or curls were woven into hair
to artificially lengthen or thicken hair. For example, the Egyptian queen, Meryet-Amun,

43
was reported to have tapered braids woven onto some parts of her head to create a „top-
heavy‟ effect which was fashionable during her reign (Fletcher, 2002). Similar to the use of
slaves‟ blonde hair for creating wigs for patrician women in the Roman era, Berry (2008)
says modern hair extensions are made of human hair or „virgin‟ hair, which has never been
chemically treated or dyed, that originally come from China, India and some parts of the
former Soviet blocs. However, hair extensions are also made of synthetic fibres, such as
rayon and vinyl, or “a combination of human hair and synthetic materials” (Sherrow, 2001,
p. 269). Sherrow (2001) writes that hair extensions are not only available in beauty salons
but can also be attached at home with the use of snap-on clips or created with the use of do-
it-yourself kits with “the help of manuals and videos” (p. 269).
Despite hair extensions increasing in popularity due to its more natural look or its ability to
remain on the wearer‟s head for weeks or months through wear and tear, Yang, Iorizzo,
Vicenzi and Tosti (2009) explain that hair extensions, especially for long-term use or
applied on due to the lack of safety procedures in beauty salons or at home, can be harmful
to both the scalp and natural hair of the wearer. Based on a recent study, Yang et. al. (2009)
state that wearers are not only susceptible to acute hair loss but also to acute allergic
dermatitis of the scalp due to the glue and other chemicals used for attaching or removing
hair extensions. Therefore, long-term use of hair extensions are not only discouraged but
also Yang et. al. (2009) stress that application of hair extensions should be done based on
health and safety precautions.

44
Double eyelids and Asian blepharoplasty
Like how pale skin is considered a beauty ideal among Asians, Liao, Tung, Tsai, Wang and
Lin (2005) explain double eyelids in Asia are always considered desirable and more
appealing than single eyelids which are often perceived to be unattractive. In addition, Liao
et. al. (2005) provides an example of how an individual with single eyelids in East Asia is
often misunderstood to be unsuccessful both in one‟s social life and at work. As a result,
individuals with single eyelids would result to using adhesive tape to create temporary,
artificial double eyelids (Zane, 2003). Kruavit (2009) describes the tape to be small and
elliptically-shaped, usually transparent or skin-coloured, and can be found in most Asian
shops under different brand names such as Koji and Eye Charm. However, Chua (1982)
states that some individuals are willing to “do away with the tedious process” (p. 221) of
taping their eyelids by relying on Asian blepharoplasty to attain the desired eyelids
permanently. According to Kruavit (2009), the purpose of this surgical procedure is to
“enhance the Asian eyes” (p. 273).
Chua (1982) and Liao et. al. (2005) write that Asian blepharoplasty, usually known as
double eyelid surgery, is the most popular cosmetic surgery procedure in both Asia and
East Asian communities in Western countries. Kang, Koo, Choi and Park (2000) and
Kobrin (2004) define the procedure of Asian blepharoplasty involving the “surgical
creation of a suprapalpberal fold by supratarsal fixation” (p. 1884) by stitching a permanent
crease into the eyelids. Double-eyelid surgery usually lasts between thirty minutes to an
hour where it involves the incision method with the use of catgut or nylon to create the
superior palpebral folds (Kruavit, 2009; Chua, 1982). Kang et. al. (2000) add that a non-
incision stitch technique such as the use of laser is another popular method which intends to

45
“minimize intraoperative haemorrhage” (p. 1884) than the scalpel technique. Although
Asian blepharoplasty aims to help clients to achieve the desired aesthetic outcome, Codner
(2004) and Kruavit (2009) state that the cosmetic surgery often comes with postoperative
complications such as ptosis 15 and scarring which require elliptical skin excision and scar
revision respectively.
Like how their Western counterparts usually opt for liposuction or breast augmentation,
Kaw (1993) states Asian women undergo the Asian blepharoplasty procedure to not only
enhance their „natural Asian beauty‟ by widening their eyes but also are “motivated by the
need to look their best as women” (p. 75). Chua (1982) agrees by stating the growing
affluence within Asian societies and the influences of both Japanese and Western culture
and fashion fuel individuals‟ desire to attain double eyelids. In addition, double eyelids are
highly sought after by individuals working in the entertainment industry (Chua, 1982).
However, Zane (2003) argues the use of double eyelid surgery has been criticised by
Western liberals as “unnatural and self-hating” (p. 357). Wong (2004, cited by Kobrin,
2004) agrees by considering Asian blepharoplasty as self-mutilation which denies Asian
cultural pride and encourages Asian women to accept a non-Asian based beauty myth due
to pressure from the older generation and the reinforcements of the ideal beauty projected
via media and advertising. Therefore, Halprin (1995) and Wang (2004, cited by Kobrin,
2004) states the importance of Asian women appreciating themselves instead of
conforming to the Western beauty ideal which represents a limited standard of beauty.
15 Ptosis- Drooping of the eyelid

46
Botox and anti-ageing products
Although ageing is a normal process bodies experience, many individuals of the past and
present attempt to “defy the signs of aging” (p. 71) with anything from black bituminous
muds and milk to chemical peels and cosmetic surgery (Caputo, 1996; Singh, Hankins,
Dulku and Kelly, 2006). In the contemporary beauty market, hundreds of anti-ageing
products are marketed to fade skin discolouration, reduce redness, rejuvenate skin and
diminish fine lines (Choi and Berson, 2006). With the growing demand for the modern-day
„elixir of youth‟ now available over the counter in supermarkets and departmental stores,
Carmichael (2009) reports the global anti-ageing product market is predicted to not only
“reach US$115.4 billion by 2010” (p. 24) but also targets younger consumers before the
“signs of ageing set in” (p. 24) when they enter their thirties and forties. For example, Dr.
Lewinn‟s Pureessence skincare range which is targeted to female consumers in their late
teens and twenties. Sarrabayrouse (2002) adds that cosmetic surgeons and beauty experts
have attempted to find a safe, non-surgical method to correct facial wrinkles without having
to spend hours or a night at a surgeon‟s office.
Singh and Kelly (2003) explain that botox is a “purified crystalline form of exotoxin type A
produced by the bacterium Clostridium botulinum” (p. 273) that became well established in
1992 as the „elixir of youth‟ of the modern cosmetic industry. According to a 2007
American report, an estimated US$3 billion dollars are spent on botulinum toxin type A
(Botox) and other injectable facial fillers which are renowned to have “long lasting
improvement of facial wrinkles” (Niamtu, 2009, p.13). Botox is usually injected into the
forehead, lip and eye area to eliminate fine lines and crow‟s feet respectively. As a result,
Niamtu (2009) says the effect of Botox leaves the face lacking in facial expressions or

47
appearing „frozen‟. Therefore, the facial muscles experience temporary muscle paralysis.
However, Sarrabayrouse (2002) explains the paralysis is temporary due the nerves being
“replaced by neurogenesis16” (p. 233) with 6 to 8 months of the injection. Despite being
renowned for its availability in many cosmetic surgeons‟ offices or its ability to mask the
signs of aging from a syringe, Klein (2004) and Niamtu (2009) notes Botox, like other
injectable fillers, often comes with complications such eyelid or lip ptosis, bruising and
rarely, “irreversible histologic changes in muscles that have been injected” (p. 68).
However, Botox is an effective and safe cosmetic treatment for facial wrinkles when it is
used properly to minimise the incidence of post-injection complications (Klein, 2004).
As Ring (2002) believes „anti-ageing‟ is a powerful marketing tool of the contemporary
beauty industry, Kumar (2005) and Carmichael (2009) writes that anti-aging is “big
business” (p. 24) for cosmeceuticals and aging baby boomer consumers. However,
regulators and experts question whether anti-ageing products should be tested and licensed
like medicines. In addition, Thornfeldt (2005) and Carmichael (2009) state how regulatory
agencies also question claims made by cosmeceuticals regarding the efficiency of their anti-
ageing products as well as the safety of the ingredients, especially chemicals and
botanicals, used to manufacture their creams and serums. As skincare products always play
a role in tackling the signs of aging, Caputo (1996) concludes that consumers “must be
under no illusions about their real functions” (p. 22).
16 Neurogenesis- The production of new neurons (nerves)

48
Theoretical Framework
Entwistle (2000) writes that sex and gender are often conflated to appear as „natural‟ and
having a link between them. However, Oakley (1976, cited by Entwistle, 2000) argues
there is a distinction between the two terms. Sex is defined as the biological differences
between a male and a female, for example, the difference in genitalia and other
physiological differences. Wharton (2005) adds in another example of how male and
female bodies differ from each other through chromosomal differences and hormonal
production. However, sex does not define the traits for „masculinity‟ and „femininity‟.
Whereas, gender is a matter of culture: the reference to social and cultural classifications in
„masculine‟ and „feminine‟ (Oakley, 1976, as cited by, Entwistle, 2000). Gender is
described by Wharton (2005) as “social understandings of what men and women are” (p.
20). Cialdini and Trost, (1999, cited by Mahalik, Morray, Coonerty-Fermiano, Ludlow,
Slattery, and Smiler, 2005) adds that gender is a description of „rules and standards‟ which
guide and/or constrain social behaviour of an individual. For example, girls are taught that
they must engage in practices that are considered „feminine‟ in order to create a „sexual
difference‟ between themselves and the boys (Jeffreys, 2005). In addition, Burke (1996)
believes with the power of gender role expectations, especially in a child‟s world, a boy
knows he must not wear pink whilst a girl understands that playing with boys‟ games
would mean disapproval from many including their peers.
Although masculinity and femininity are believed to be internalized sex roles via social
learning, Connell (1995) argues that they can be changed by social processes or reforms
such as media and education. Entwistle (2000) believes that not all cultures agree on the
characteristics of masculinity and femininity. Mead‟s (1935, cited by Entwistle, 2000)

49
study demonstrates repeatedly on how other cultures, for example Pacific cultures, interpret
sex and „make-up‟ gender. Entwistle (2000) provides another example on Stoller‟s (1968)
study about hermaphrodites17 and transsexuals which proposes that the acquisition of
„masculinity‟ and „femininity‟ is not „natural‟ or „biological‟ but a result of socialization
such as parental and socio-cultural expectations. For example, the „third gender‟ in
Polynesian cultures such as the fa’afafine 18 shows “alternative ways of thinking about the
relationship between sexed bodies, gender and sexuality” (Holmes, 2009, p. 25). Therefore,
it shows there is no “„natural‟ relationship between the biological categories of male and
female and the socio-cultural characteristics of masculine and feminine” (Entwistle, 2000,
p. 143). Connell (1995) concludes that we need to understand how masculinity and
femininity affect the way men and women conduct themselves in gendered lives.
Mahalik et. al. (2005) believes that gender role norms not only provide guidance on how
we are supposed to behave but also they are vital in fostering identity development in
individuals. However, gender norms can create a strain for some women who are unable to
fulfil the definitions of feminine and femininity especially in a consumer culture which
focuses on body discipline and body maintenance (Krane, Choi, Baird, Aimar and Kauer,
2004; Malacrida and Low, 2008). For example, amidst a Western culture which emphasizes
on a feminine ideal body, physically active women are faced with a dilemma which
contrasts with the athletic body. In a struggle to fulfil the definition of femininity, female
athletes are expected to be not only strong, powerful and feminine but also possess toned
bodies which are not “masculine-perceived” (Krane et. al, p. 317). Therefore, Krane et.al
17 Hermaphrodites- Individuals with characteristics of both sexes
18 Fa‟afafine - From the Samoan literal phrase, “way of a woman”, a biological male expressing feminine
gender identity

50
(2004) believes sportswomen live in two „cultures‟, the sport culture and the ideal culture
where sports and social ideals clash. Jeffreys (2005) states that feminist theorists believe
femininity is a politically constructed behaviour in which individuals are expected to use
their bodies to define the behaviour of a subordinate social group.
For example, high heels and rouge are considered natural on women whilst they are
ridiculous on men. The same applies to facial hair that is considered appropriate on males
whereas it is considered unacceptable on females. Therefore, Cahill (2003) questions if
feminine ideals and femininity impede women‟s “ability to function as equal, autonomous
beings” (p. 43). Dozier (2005) concludes that doing gender involves a balance of
performing masculinity and femininity rather than “performing appropriate masculinity or
femininity” (p. 314) based on one‟s sex. Therefore, we cannot be held accountable for a
gender performance based on our sex (West and Zimmerman, 1987, cited by Dozier, 2005).
Witz and Marshall (2003) believe that embodiment is rendered literally and metaphorically
where it can individuate and create social forms such as femininity and masculinity. The
body is a locus which is both relative to the individual in society and creates a hierarchy
order between the sexes (Libbon, 2007). However, Keywood (2000) argues the body is a
site for “potential reconfiguring of identity beyond the male/female, mind/body dualisms”
(p. 320). The history of the human body as Libbon (2007) notes is also a history of medical
research, political activism and sociology. Farganis (1986, cited by Libbon, 2007) believes
the female body is “conceptualized on the basis masculine parameters that defines her not
relative to a normative standard for women” (p. 79). As a result of the disembodied,
masculine knowledge, the male body serves as a basis for metaphorical representations of
the body which denies the relevance of women‟s bodies (Keywood, 2000). Giddens (1991,

51
cited by Budgeon, 2003) agrees the body is “mediated by constant projection” (p. 37) by
mass media and open human intervention that serves to negate the feminine.
The female body is argued to have a material presence where biology stands within culture.
Therefore the body is a medium of expression which is “heavily mediated by culture and
expresses the social pressure brought on to bear on it” (Entwistle, 2000, p. 15). Other than
dress and adornment, Keywood (2000) believes when a female body is presented as a
biological fact, it is “situated as the object of medicine‟s gaze” (p. 324) where it enters the
medico-legal discourse which moulds our understanding of what it is to be female.
According to Keywood (2000), the female body has not only been a signifier of volatility
and fluidity but also “inextricably associated with the bodily secretions of female
reproduction (menstruation and pregnancy)” (p. 320). In addition, Gillies et. al. (2004)
believe the body is determined by its “appropriateness for the performance of social
identities” (p. 105) such as gender-specific bodily practices, for example, sweating and
pain. Therefore, culturally and context specific appropriateness can allow us to experience
our bodies but at the same time “restrict or limit the possibility for bodily experiences”
(Gillies et. al., 2004, p. 105).
Menstruation is not only described by Lee (1994) as a “biological act fraught with cultural
implications” associated with the uterus (p. 343) but also Greenhill (1954, cited by Elson,
2002) says it is a badge of femininity that signals a woman‟s biological tie with other
women. Within many cultures and societies, especially in a heterosexist context, menarche
signifies the simultaneous emergence of sexual availability and reproduction potential.
When girl experiences menarche as a „transition‟ from child to adolescent, Thorne (1993,
cited by Lee, 1994) and Elson (2002) believes she not only “starts to negotiate the forces of

52
adult femininity” (p. 344) but also accepts menstruation as a “sense of cyclicity” (p. 43)
throughout her life. Always considered as both a sign of entering womanhood and a symbol
of female normativity, Elson (2002) questions whether the cessation of menstruation, for
example experiencing menopause or undergoing hysterectomy, means the individual “is no
more a woman” (p. 39). Although the cessation of menstruation is considered as a loss of
femininity, Markovic, Manderson and Warren (2007) cite from a research where some
women perceive the end of menstruation due to menopause or hysterectomy actually give
them an embodied reliability that not only reaffirm their femininity but also put “an end to a
biological and biomedical intrusion in their lives” (p. 474). Therefore, women not only
demonstrate they are in control of their bodies but also hysterectomy and menopause do not
have “universal effects” on women‟s gender identity (Elson, 2002, p. 47).
According to Burke (1996), human appearance not only sends messages through the clothes
we wear and our bodies but also it “affects the perception of masculinity and femininity”
(p. 139). If we believe our clothes and bodies are the source of our identities, Burke (1996)
questions if they are determinants for us to believe ourselves to be and others to perceive
who we are. Therefore, we are often judged and constructed by others based upon “what
people see on the surface” (Burke, 1996, p. 140). Numerous literature have underlined that
the human appearance is not only about “developing the ability to construct a visual and
strictly governed identity” (p. 75) but also plays a role in defining attractiveness (Frost,
1997; Stainton Rogers and Stainton Rogers, 2001). Frost (1997) provides an example of
where women are evaluated based on their bodies, such as hair colour and body shapes, as
part of an appraisal of overall attractiveness against which all women are judged. Eicher
(2001, cited by Jeffreys, 2001) questions why the use of overall attractiveness is used to not

53
only attract men‟s admiration but also secure their love and approval. The focus on the
human appearance and attractiveness is considered as a challenge to the socially-
constructed definitions of subjectivity “that privilege rationality to the exclusion of the
body” (Cahill, 2003, p. 43).
As Kimmel (2000) says beauty and attractiveness are deeply engendered, Burke (1996)
believes physical appearance can be “an indicator of sexuality as an equal opportunity
disorder” (p. 178) where a feminine-appearing male and a „masculine‟ female are not only
perceived as sources of confusion but also are a threat to both masculinity and femininity.
Therefore, the bipolar trap of the masculine and feminine is an obstacle from allowing us to
experience our true identities. Whilst we are trying to fulfil the definition of masculinity
and femininity, Burke (1996) states the Madonnas and David Bowies of the world are
geniuses for creating and re-creating themselves by playing with gender cues and “crossing
the gender barrier” (p. 140). Described as “infinitely plastic creatures” (p. 140), their deep
understanding of the power of appearance enable them to not only reinvent themselves with
their bodies and clothes but also control how others see them (Burke, 1996). As we watch
the re-creation of those icons, Burke (1996) says we are not only witnessing an irony on
gender identity based on the masculine and the feminine but also we question if anything
about our bodies and clothing are objectively „real‟. Or is it a matter of style and our bodies
that decide “who we believe ourselves to be and, who others believe we are?” (Burke,
1996, p.140).
Like the reinvention of Madonna and David Bowie, cross-dressing goes as far as “claiming
that the mismatch of body and clothing is an „instatement of metaphor‟ itself‟” (Garber,
1992, cited by Connell, 1995, p. 50). With the existence of cross-dressing in the past and

54
present, Halprin (1995) suggests that gender is not based on biology alone. Burke (1996)
agrees that to cross-dress means to not only cross the gender barrier but also to “challenge
the identity that society has dictated” (p. 145) and declare that one is not wholly determined
by the powers outside oneself. As cross-dressing is believed to be a technique to establish
contact with oneself as an individual, Burke (1996) believes men cross-dress to experience
beauty and sensuality whilst their female counterparts want to experience power and
authority. Flexibility is the key trait crucial to our psychological well-being in the
postmodern world where we can “be capable of seeing beyond the surface characteristics of
a person‟s body” (Burke, 1996, p. 170).
As Miller and Levy (1996) state that participating in sports is primarily a “masculine
activity” (p. 111), the participation of women in sports and bodybuilding has expanded for
the past few decades. With more females getting involved in sports, sportswomen pose a
challenge to the notions of female frailty (Lenskyi, 1994). Despite the participation of
females in sports is hailed as both physical and gender equality which empower women and
defy the frailty myth, Krane et. al. (2004) argues that female athletes often face a paradox
where society‟s feminine ideal contrasts with the sporting culture‟s athletic body ideal.
Therefore, a female athlete not only finds the existence of contradiction between her
personal values and expectations and society‟s ideal but also mixed messages sent towards
the value of her athletic participation (Desertrain and Weiss, 1988). As a result, the conflict
female athletes are facing not only affect their self-esteem, body image and self-
presentation but also the issue of femininity and gender role appropriateness are questioned.
With the fear of female physical power, Dowling (2000) believes the insecurities of men
and society‟s confusion towards gender and athleticism not only undermine women‟s

55
abilities as athletes but also keep females “from entering sports in a serious way” (p. 199).
However, female athletes are able to negotiate with femininity where they can redefine
female bodies and reconcile with “the physical and physiological benefits” of sports which
empower them within and outside the sports context (Krane et. al, 2004, p.328). Therefore,
females‟ participation in sports encourage female athletes to not only challenge the
sportswoman myth but also choose “how the paradox of duelling” (p. 327) identities
between society and the sports culture is lived through different gender and femininity
performances.
Wall and Jones (1991, cited by Robinson et. al., 2001) writes that one in six adults is in
pain in any moment. Many epidemiological data on pain studies indicate that women are
more susceptible than men to chronic pain conditions such as menstrual pain (Aloisi, 2000,
cited by Grace, 2004). However, Godfrey and Mackey (2008) argue that pain research has
shifted beyond the debate whether “sex differences in pain exist to recognise the
importance of these differences in managing pain” (p. 917). The study on pain is a medical
specialty which Grace (2004) describes as embracing the notion of the „biopsychosocial
model‟ that could enable medical understandings of pain to not only acknowledge the
psychosocial factors but also interact with “biomedically identifiable pathology” (p. 132).
Therefore, the analysis on „sex differences‟ are researched, understood and clinically acted
to reveal the role of sex-gender distinction in health and medical research (Grace, 2004).
Women are often believed to have “lower pain thresholds and tolerance than men” (p. 918)
due to being influenced by hormonal fluctuations followed by pharmalogical and
psychosocial „factors‟ such as menstruation (Godfrey and Mackey, 2008). In addition,
Godfrey and Mackey (2008) believe the differing social expectations for the expression of

56
pain or biological differences in the way noxious stimuli are processed to explain how men
and women respond to pain. Grace (2004) believes the distinction between femininity and
masculinity associated with pain would serve to establish the binary of biology/culture as
well as “irreducibly embedded in the binary male/female” (p. 135). However, Robinson et.
al (2000, cited by Grace, 2004) argues by citing a study that males have a high overall
linear association with pain like their female counterparts. Therefore, it proves there is no
consistency of sex differences in emotional response to pain (Robinson et. al., 2000 cited
by Grace, 2004).
In contemporary society, being young or appearing youthful is considered a value where
one‟s appearance and body equates with beauty and the “desirability with youthfulness and
slenderness” (Ogle and Damhorst, 2005, p. 1). However, Twigg (2004) states that aging is
not a part of the fashionable and media-focussed representation of the human body. Aging
is seen as a worrisome process of decay that must be controlled through diet, exercise and
the use of skin creams (Ogle and Damhorst, 2005). Cepanec and Payne (2000, cited by
Grogan, 2008) note as women are expected to maintain youthfulness, they under constant
pressure to “meet the cultural requirements of youth and femininity” (p. 150). The
exclusion of the aged, particularly older women, reflect the gerontophobia of the wider
culture (Arber and Ginn, 1991, cited by Twigg, 2004). Calasanti and King (2007) believe
the depiction of agelessness not only fuels the anti-aging industry of modern society but
also pressure individuals to “live up to the ideals of age and other social categories in their
daily lives” (p. 358) as well as the standards of masculinity and femininity. Teuscher and
Teuscher (2007) argue that studies by Laurence (1964) and Deutsch, Zalenski and Clark

57
(1986) have shown that older women are “judged more negatively than older men” (p.
631).
As a result of modernisation of urban societies, Sontag (1972, cited by Teuscher and
Teuscher, 2007) believes the double standards of aging allow two standards of male beauty:
boy and man, whilst females are allowed only one standard of female beauty: girl. With the
„double standard‟ of aging, many researchers note that aging men are considered
„distinguished‟ whereas signs of aging in females are “negatively seen both by others and
themselves” (Grogan, 2008, p. 151). With the emphasis on youthfulness and physical
beauty, Goodman (1994, cited by Hurd, 1999) states the cultural message on women spread
via media and advertising “endorse a value system that preaches bodily perfection and deny
women the right to age” (p. 422). In addition, the loss of women‟s physical beauty and
youthfulness are often equated with the loss of their social value (Lauzen and Dozier,
2005). Wolf (1990) provides an example of how airbrushing on females‟ faces, especially
aged individuals, in women‟s magazines is considered as a form of censorship which
“ignores older women or pretend they don‟t exist” (p. 62).
Therefore, older females are not only underrepresented in the mainstream media but also
are portrayed as „unattractive‟ or „incapable‟ (Ogle and Damhorst, 2005). Although older
women are hardly portrayed in sexual roles, Grogan (2008) argues that older women are
sometimes presented sexually on print and screen as long as they have a youthful
appearance, for example, Susan Sarandon, or have had undergone aesthetic surgery to
“make their bodies acceptable to a critical audience” (p. 152). In addition, Calasanti and
King (2007) believe making youthfulness as the male and female beauty ideals reinforce
ageism and gender inequality among aging individuals. The importance of exploring men‟s

58
and women‟s experiences with aging would be vital to not only enable us to understand the
aging process as an embodied experience but also dispel the social fears and myths
associated with ageing (Graham and Kligman, 1985; Ogle and Damhorst, 2005). Hilhorst
(2002) concludes that aging “implies neither beauty nor ugliness” (p. 20).
Spelman (1982) concludes that our bodies, male and female, are always unique and we
cannot always “attend to the social significance attached to embodiment without
recognizing” (p. 128) them. Our bodies not only play a role in our self-esteem, especially
on our psychological and physical health, but also are fundamental to the male and female
experience (Mishkind, Rodin, Silberstein and Strigel-Moore, 1986). Connell (1995)
believes that a re-embodiment for men and women is needed to not just help individuals to
find different ways of feeling and showing their bodies but also develop capacities of
unique bodies other than those developed through sport and industrial labour only.

59
Methods
Participants
The participants were female respondents within and outside the premises of AUT in the
Greater Auckland region. Each participant completed a questionnaire in relation to body
image and feminine beauty. A total of 110 participants undertook the structured interview
at the time of the study. The participants are from various ethnic and cultural groups: 38%
were New Zealand Pakeha, 4% were Maori, 18% were of Pasifika background, 25% were
Asians, 2% were Americans, 1% were Canadians, 2% were Australians, 1% were of Arabic
background, 5% were South Africans, 3% were other Africans and 1% were of other Asian
background. The participants ranged between 18 years and above: 79% of the respondents
were aged 18-30 years, 13% percent were aged 31-40 years, 6% were aged 41-50 and 2%
were aged 51 and above.
Procedure
Participants were enlisted for the research survey via an advertisement created by the
researcher. Each participant was asked to complete a study questionnaire comprising of
thirteen questions relating to body image and feminine beauty between ten to twenty
minutes. Moreover, each participant was given the option to terminate the survey and the
freedom to refuse to answer either question. Confidentiality and anonymity were granted to
everyone who agreed to participate. Therefore, the privacy of the participants is protected
under the responsibility of the researcher and the supervisor where their names and other
personal details were not written in the Study Analysis section of the thesis.

60
Qualitative methods versus quantitative methods
Qualitative methods within the research mainly focus on the collection of non-numerical
data and also aim to focus on research participants‟ behaviour which describes one‟s
thoughts and perceptions towards a particular issue. For example, the participants‟
perceptions towards femininity and feminine beauty in the survey. The most effective
method in obtaining qualitative data is via interviewing or a research questionnaire.
Whereas, quantitative methods concentrate on obtaining numerical data such as the number
of participants and age groups in a research. In addition, quantitative methods often use
statistics and graphs to obtain mathematical data, for example, pie charts.
For the research on women‟s perceptions towards femininity and feminine beauty,
qualitative methods shall be used as qualitative data obtained are credible and reliable from
the participants‟ perspectives. For example, a participant‟s belief that feminine beauty is
universal and subjective throughout various cultures and societies. In addition, qualitative
methods also emphasises on the importance of dependability where there is a need for the
researcher to account for changes within the research which could influence both results
and post-study analysis. Therefore, the author of the thesis is responsible for describing the
changes which could affect the way the structured interview approaches the thesis topic.
In conclusion, qualitative methodology in any social sciences research is considered more
effective in which the researcher is able to adapt to new developments throughout the
study. Moreover, greater diversity in responses is encouraged where researchers are
allowed to gather and document data in a more consistent manner.

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Data Analysis
110 women from various socio-economic and cultural backgrounds and ranging between
18 years of age and above have participated in a structured interview which part of the
thesis. The aim of the structured interview is to not only explore the issue of body and
image dissatisfaction among women but also to investigate participants‟ personal opinions
towards feminine beauty and body image issues they face daily in their lives. In addition,
the structured interview provides participants the opportunity to voice out how the
standardization or „celebrification‟ of beauty can be detrimental to women‟s well-being and
self-esteem. Exploring the well-known adage „beauty is in the eye of the beholder‟, all
participants had the opportunity to not only name a well-known woman (e.g. celebrity,
actress, sportswoman, etc.) whom they believe epitomizes feminine beauty but also explain
what makes her beautiful.
Quantitative data
My 110 participants comprises of 3 of other African background, 2 Australians, 1
Canadian, 2 Americans, 27 Asians, 20 Pacific Islanders, 5 of Maori background, 35 New
Zealand Pakeha, 1 of Arab background, 6 South Africans and 1 of other Asian background.

62
Figure 1: Ethnic groups of 110 participants in my structured interview
Figure 2: Percentage of ethnic groups in Greater Auckland

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Figure 3: Percentage of ethnic groups in the structured interview

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Figure 4: Comparative graphs between Greater Auckland and my study
According to the Figure 4 chart above, Maori are underrepresented whilst Pacific Islanders
are overrepresented in the research analysis. Whereas, the percentage of Asians in the study
remains the same as Greater Auckland‟s percentage.

65
Figure 5: Participants' age groups
In the Figure 5 chart, 79 percent or 87 of the participants are aged between 18 to 30 years of
age, 14 between ages 31 to 40, 7 between 41 to 50 years old and 2 participants are above 51
years of age.

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Figure 6: Well-known figures chosen by participants they believe to epitomize
feminine beauty
According to the pie chart in Figure 6 above, 91 participants have named past (6 percent)
and present (64 percent) Hollywood female celebrities and models, from Audrey Hepburn
to Queen Latifah, whom they believe epitomize feminine beauty whilst 4 participants of
Asian background named Asian celebrities such as Bollywood‟s Aiswarya Rai and Korean
soap actress Hye-Young Jung 19. On the other hand, 9 participants or 7 percent had named
female political icons such as Tariana Turia, Burmese politician Aung San Suu Kyi, and
Madame Sun Yat-sen, whereas 3 participants (2 percent) named female royal family
members, for example, Princess Diana and Queen Elizabeth II. 4 interview participants (3
19 Hey-Young Jung – A renowned Korean soap drama actress

67
percent) chose a humanitarian as a feminine icon such as Mother Teresa. 7 participants (5
percent) chose New Zealand celebrities, for example Madeleine Sami and Hayley Holt,
whilst 5 participants (4 percent) have chosen television presenters such as Anna Ford,
Nigella Lawson and Carly Flynn. Only 1 participant (1 percent) named a sportswoman
(Bernice Mene) as her chosen icon who represents feminine beauty. However, 6
participants (5 percent) are unable or opt not to name any prominent female figure.
Figure 7: Participants' satisfaction towards their bodies and faces
In the Figure 7 chart, 56 participants (51 percent) answered the structured interview that
they satisfied with their bodies and faces most of the time. Whereas, 23 participants (21
percent) answered „yes‟ to indicate they are always satisfied with their physical features

68
while another 23 (21 percent) answered „Sometimes‟. 5 percent or 6 out of 110 participants
answered „No‟ whilst 2 participants (2 percent) opt not to answer.
Figure 8: Participants' response to the structured interview question, “Do you think
you are beautiful?”
The Figure 8 chart above shows the percentage of responses the participants gave in
response to the structured interview question, “Do you think you are beautiful?”.
According to the pie chart, 65 percent or 72 participants answered “Yes” whilst 13 percent
(14 participants) answered “No”. 22 participants answered “Don‟t know” and 2 chose not
to answer.
Qualitative data
Englis et. al. (1994) believe although it is difficult to define beauty, people “know it when
they see it” (p. 49). According to the structured interview, many of the 110 participants
define beauty as not just being aesthetically pleasing and healthy but at the same time

69
possessing “inner beauty” such as selflessness, kindness and good personality. As Black
and Sharma (2001) believe that beauty is associated with kindness, Halprin (1995) adds that
beauty is a greater strength when a woman develops her skills and intelligence. Beauty is
also described as the ability to embody self-confidence and a sense of satisfaction with
one‟s self and her body (Unknown participant, 2009). Therefore Marwick (1988, cited by
Hilhorst, 2002) believes beauty is “not merely skin deep” (p. 11) but is innately connected
to an individual‟s behaviour. Quoting a participant‟s phrase „beauty is in the eye of the
beholder‟, some participants believe the definition of beauty is not only subjective but also
it varies across cultures and societies (Yu and Shepard, 1998).
According to Fiebert (1990, cited by Duke and Kreshel, 1998), femininity traditionally
consists of four dimensions: “adherence to cultural fashion and beauty standards,
performance of family and domestic skills, satisfaction of needs of others, and the
acquisition of male attention” (p. 49). Two unnamed participants of Asian background
agree with Fiebert‟s (1990) statement by describing femininity as the ability to be a wise
mother and a good wife and at the same time, being able to embody feminine beauty.
Although femininity is usually defined as an aspect of “how one feels and acts as a
woman”, the ability to embrace womanhood and to create a sexual „difference‟ between
male and female (Unnamed participant, 2009; Jeffreys, 2005), it is as subjective as beauty
where some participants define it as ability to be empathic, graceful, and elegant whilst at
the same time, being confident with herself and her body. Femininity is also described as
the ability „to stand up for her rights as a woman‟ and uphold her beliefs and values as an
individual (Unknown participant, 2009).

70
Dittmar (2007) writes the „perfect body‟ norm is reinforced by a sociocultural ideal of
feminine beauty which “becomes synonymous with ultra-thinness” (p. 24). Although
Hilhorst (2002) believes the beauty ideal is a subject to time and fashion, Forbes et. al.
(2007) argues it never “represents the bodies of most women” (p. 13) and only represents
physical standards that few women could achieve through beauty practices. In addition, the
myth of the beautiful, slender white woman represented via the media denies the value of
the non-Western beauty (Halprin, 1995). Many participants of the structured interview not
only point out how media and advertising do not give a positive depiction of women but
also voice their concerns towards the use of unrealistic and unnatural portrayals of beauty
in print and film. For example, one unknown participant of Pakeha background (2009)
believes the „amount of airbrushing‟ and the slender ideal used in media and advertising
fuels the pressure to be thin for women. A participant of Taiwanese origin provides an
example of Asian media and advertising using ideal models with fair complexion and big
eyes which Wolf (1990) believes denies the existence of real women‟s beauty especially in
the Asian context. A narrow representation of women‟s bodies not only make the beauty
ideal become socio-culturally homogeneous but also leave viewers “trying to conform to
the unrealistic ideals” and feeling dissatisfied towards their bodies (Grogan, 2008, p. 205).
With women‟s growing cynicism towards the promotion of the ideal beauty, Grogan (2008)
believes the demand for realistic images of women in the media increases.
However, one participant argues that the media of today show different representations of
women from various socio-cultural backgrounds, for example, the New Zealand soap
opera, Shortland Street. An example of advertising giving a positive portrayal of women
regardless of shape, skin colour and socio-cultural groups is Dove‟s Campaign for Real

71
Beauty which aims to promote positive body image among women (Unnamed participant,
2009). Johnston and Taylor (2008) agree that aim of Dove‟s advertising campaign is to
promote a democratic vision of women‟s beauty. Another participant adds that media and
advertising now include plus-size models which she believes now gives a positive
representation of women with voluptuous bodies, for example, Queen Latifah, Crystal Renn
and Kate Winslet. Therefore, Grogan (2008) believes acceptance towards a wide variety of
body shapes and sizes within a mainstream culture may lead to a reduction of body
dissatisfaction and a resistance against the slender norm amongst women. With the
acceptance of diversity towards various body shapes, the development of positive body
image is likely to allow women the freedom to flaunt their bodies with pride.
Based on the structured interview, 16 Asian participants, 5 participants of Maori
background and 17 Pasifika participants named Hollywood celebrities, a royal family
member or a Western humanitarian icon who they believe represents feminine beauty.
Most of the participants cite aesthetic features and high self-esteem as reasons that make
their chosen Western female icons represent feminine beauty whereas some consider their
chosen icons based on their ability to empathise with others and their humility. However, 7
participants of Asian background chose non-Western political icons and celebrities as their
chosen representatives of feminine beauty such as Benazir Bhutto, Taiwan‟s Dee Hsu20,
Thai actress-cum-entrepreneur Aum21 and Bollywood actress Aishwarya Rai. Although
Halprin (1995) believes the over-representation of the beautiful white woman myth denies
the existence of non-Western beauty, Darling-Wolf (2004) argues that non-Western female
20 Dee Hsu- A well-known Taiwanese actress, singer and television show host commonly known as Xiǎo S
(小 S)) to her fans in many Chinese communities.
21 Aum- Thai actress born Patchrapa Chaichua

72
consumers are able to negotiate with Western influences whilst being able to express their
individual identities amidst a globalised consumer culture.
16 out of 110 participants (12 percent) answered Question 11A 22by selecting female
politicians, royal family members or a humanitarian figure as their chosen feminine icons
who epitomize feminine beauty. From Mother Teresa to Aung San Suu Kyi, the
participants chose renowned non-celebrity females in the structured interview possibly
because their chosen feminine icons are considered as celebrity icons like their
entertainment counterparts. Another reason would be the 16 participants might not be able
to name a female entertainment icon they relate to. The participants chose non-celebrity
females because they might be seen as realistic portrayals of real women outside media and
advertising.
Other than the possibility of the 16 participants (12 percent) easily relating to female non-
celebrities, the participants might have chosen non-celebrity figures as representatives of
feminine beauty because they are believed to embody humility, empathy, intelligence and
external beauty altogether. Another possible reason why the 16 participants chose
politicians, royal family members and humanitarians as icons who epitomize feminine
beauty might be probably these female non-celebrities are probably considered as
„celebrities‟. For example, the late Princess Diana who was not just renowned for her
humanitarian works but also as a beauty and fashion icon to the media.
Prior to undertaking the structured interview, each respondent is given the freedom to
refuse to answer any question in the questionnaire. Based on the findings, 6 participants (5
22 Question 11A- Name a well-known woman (celebrity, actress, TV presenter, musician, sportswoman, etc.)
who you think epitomizes feminine beauty.

73
percent) in the interview are found to be unable or opt not to answer Question 11A,
regarding their feminine beauty icons of their choice. In addition, the same respondents did
not answer Question 11B 23which aims to find out reasons why a particular female icon is
believed to epitomize feminine beauty. One of the reasons why 5 percent of the participants
do not name a female figure might be due to being unable to name a female icon they know
of via media and advertising. In addition, they might not be able to identify with any
famous woman, celebrity or non-celebrity. Another possibility would be the 6 participants
decided not to select a well-known woman as a symbol of feminine beauty due to their
belief that all women do epitomize feminine beauty despite of physical appearances, age,
socio-cultural backgrounds and the societies they come from.
Based on the comparative analysis done between the two groups of respondents, they prove
that a prominent non-celebrity female can be a symbol of feminine beauty. Moreover, the
analysis proves that feminine beauty is subjective and there is no „correct‟ answer on which
woman epitomizes feminine beauty. Therefore, any woman can represent feminine beauty
regardless whether she is a prominent figure or she is an ordinary individual within society.
As Wolf (1990) believes there is a need for a pro-woman definition of beauty to enable
women to defy the beauty myth which is promoted by media and society, the portrayal of
minority groups, for example, albinos and red-haired individuals, in both the alternative and
mainstream media would not only minimise stereotypes but also affirm the existence of real
women beyond print and screen where various looks are shown to be “equally beautiful in
their own right” (Marwick, 2002, p. 13; Unnamed Pakeha participant, 2009). However,
Wolf (1990) believes women need to stop looking at themselves and other women critically
23 Question 11B- What makes her beautiful?

74
and start “hearing one another out” (p. 236). As McBryde (1999) says to criticise one‟s self
and her body means to “perpetuate the social habit of judging other women by their
appearances” (p. 41), many study participants believe compliments, encouragement and
unconditional support are essential in making women feel happy and beautiful about
themselves based on their talents, values and character rather than their physical features.
Compliments and unconditional support from peers and family are considered as positive
strategies that are likely to be effective in improving women‟s body image and self-esteem
(Grogan, 2008). Wolf (1990) concludes that as long as a woman sees herself as beautiful
and unique, she challenges the world by refusing to be trapped within the beauty myth.

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Discussion: Comparative between Literature Review and Data Analysis
Self-esteem
In the literature review, self-esteem in relation to body image is defined as a core aspect
between the mental and physical well-being of an individual. Self-esteem also plays a role
in body satisfaction and acceptance towards one‟s self. With the rise in body dissatisfaction
and the growing desire to alter one‟s body through diet and beauty practices, experts in
body image studies attempt to understand reasons behind these behaviours among
individuals. From eating disorders to body dysmorphic disorder 24, Grogan (2008) says the
21st century is a growing concern towards body dissatisfaction among individuals.
According to my literature review, beauty can act as a promoter of an individual‟s self-
esteem. My data analysis not only agrees with the literature review‟s statement but also
defines beauty as the ability to have high self-esteem towards the self and the body.
The literature review reveals how the frequent portrayal of unrealistic images of the beauty
ideal affect women‟s self-esteem when bodies are considered as flaws that must be
disciplined and controlled to perfection through diets and makeover (Lavine et. al., 1999).
The purpose of my data analysis in the thesis is to investigate how self-esteem links with
body satisfaction. Although the data analysis confirms with the literature review‟s findings
on how unrealistic portrayals of women‟s bodies leave female consumers feeling less
confident towards their bodies, it also adds how some are left feeling cynical towards the
airbrushed beauty which denies the existence of real women. In addition, my data analysis
also investigates further into self-esteem and its link with body satisfaction which the
literature review might not have written about earlier.
24 Body dysmorphic disorder- A somatoform (psychological) disorder in which the affected person is
preoccupied by a perceived defect in his or her physical features (body image)

76
The data analysis in response to Questions 1025, 1226 and 1327 of the thesis‟ structured
interview confirms the link between self-esteem and body image in relation to the emphasis
on the beauty ideal via the media as highlighted in the literature review. The data analysis
also affirms how the use of idealised beauty images is detrimental to women‟s self-esteem
and their bodies. Although the literature review states that women can boost their self-
esteem by ignoring the beauty ideals in the media, it does not mention how media can play
a positive role in promoting self-esteem and body image among women. The literature
review also states how media is prescribing unrealistic beauty ideals which increase body
dissatisfaction among women. However, my data analysis argues that media and
advertising are able to give positive representations of women regardless of skin colour,
body shapes and dress size. For example, Dove‟s Campaign for Real Beauty promotes the
existence of real women‟s bodies to its consumers with the goal of tackling body
dissatisfaction among women. In addition, the data analysis mentions the portrayal of
minority groups in both alternative and mainstream media, for example, redheads and plus-
sized women. With the diverse representation of women via the alternative and mainstream
media, it not only minimises stereotypes but also portrays all females to be uniquely
beautiful. Therefore, the data analysis argues that media is not always an oppressive tool
which harms self-esteem or perpetuates body dissatisfaction among individuals.
25 Question 10- Do you think media and advertising give a positive representation of women regardless of
skin colour, body shape and appearances in print and on screen (Please specify in your own words)
26 Question 12- What do you think media and society should do to make women feel happy about their
appearance and their body
27 Question 13- As an individual, what can you do to help a fellow female (friend/sister/loved one/daughter)
to feel happy and beautiful about herself

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The literature review states that body dissatisfaction among women has not only risen in
recent decades but is also is linked to lower self-esteem and appearance anxiety (McKinley
and Hyde, 1996 cited by Munro and Huon, 2005). However, my data analysis in response
to Questions 7 28 and 8 29 disagrees with the literature review‟s statement. According to my
data analysis, 56 participants (51 percent) and 23 participants (21 percent) answered
Question 8 that they are mostly satisfied or extremely satisfied with their physical features.
Whereas in response to Question 7, 72 out of 110 participants (65 percent) answered they
believe they are beautiful. Therefore, my data analysis proves the participants of the
structured interview are likely to be not only satisfied with their bodies but also might have
high self-esteem. However, I believe in-depth studies would be useful to investigate the
relationship between body dissatisfaction and self-esteem among individuals in the near
future.
The literature review mentions about the overemphasis of Western ideal of beauty which
denies the value of non-Western beauty (Halprin, 1995). My data analysis confirms with
the literature review‟s statement by providing an example of my interview participant
explaining the use of unrealistic portrayals of non-Western models in non-Western media
and advertising. For example, the use of ideal models with fair complexion and big eyes in
Asian advertising which Grogan (2008) believes leave Asian consumers experiencing low
self-esteem and appearance anxiety. The data analysis also agrees with the literature review
that the ingrained white beauty standard is detrimental to non-Western consumers‟ self-
esteem. Although both the data analysis and literature review have touched on the effects of
28 Question 7- Do you think you are beautiful?
29 Question 8- Are you happy with your body and your face?

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overemphasis of Western beauty ideal on non-Western consumers‟ self-esteem, future
studies would be vital to study the effect of media and advertising onto non-Western female
consumers‟ self-esteem. In addition, an in-depth study on portrayals of non-Western
women in both Western and non-Western media and advertising would be useful in the
fields of advertising, media and communication studies.
According to the literature review, a woman‟s body can be a tool of resistance against the
objectification of the body in consumer culture (Gimlin, 2002). The data analysis agrees
with the literature review‟s statement by confirming that women have better self-esteem
towards themselves when various female bodies are accepted by media and society.
Although the literature review says gaining an insight into the beauty culture helps us to
think critically towards feminine beauty, it does not explain further how we, as individuals,
can play a role in improving women‟s self esteem in society. The data analysis mentions
that compliments, support and encouragement from peers and family are vital in improving
women‟s self-esteem as well as minimising the chances of experiencing body
dissatisfaction. Therefore, the data analysis proves that pro-woman support and views
towards beauty equate higher self-esteem among females.
Although the data analysis has explored further into self-esteem by confirming its
correlation with body satisfaction as mentioned in the literature review, I believe further
research into self-esteem would be useful to enable us to understand body dissatisfaction
among women in-depth in the fields of psychology and communication studies.

79
Celebrity culture, ‘celebrification’ of beauty and the overrepresentation of Western
beauty
Bordo (2003, cited by Grogan, 2008) believe past and present consumers are taught “what
to expect from flesh and blood” (p. 25) through art and media. From the Rubenesque body
to the present-day supermodel, the literature review confirms that ideal beauty varies across
time and cultures (Mazur, 1986). For example, the „sweater girl‟ fashion of the 1940s
which heavily emphasized on the fuller figure whilst the 1980s saw the Jane Fonda-like
lithe and toned body as the beauty ideal.
Like magic mirrors from fairytales that are “direct outgrowths of modern culture and
consumer consciousness” (p. 63), Lin and Yeh (2009) say female consumers turn to
celebrity culture to emulate perfect femininity which is believed to embody feminine
beauty, sex appeal and physical attractiveness simultaneously. Grogan (2008) says female
celebrities and models are seen by consumers as role models who “present a fantasy image
of how women should look” (p. 19) or for observers to identify with. My data analysis
agrees with Lin and Yeh‟s (2009) statement by confirming 95 percent of the 110
participants have responded to Question 11A 30 of the structured interview by naming well-
known women of their choice whom they believe epitomize feminine beauty. The data
analysis also investigates further where participants respond to Question 11B 31 by revealing
qualities their feminine icons have which they believe relate to feminine beauty.
30 Question 11A.- Name a well-known woman (celebrity, actress, TV presenter, musician, sportswoman, etc.)
who you think epitomizes feminine beauty
31 Question 11B. - What makes her beautiful?

80
When celebrities and models are seen as fashion gate-keepers who represent the ideals of
beauty, consumers attempt to imitate or merge their own characteristics with those of the
endorsers by “selectively emulating what they feel is the essence of connection” (p. 66)
between themselves and the endorsers (Blum, 2007; Lin and Yeh, 2009). My literature
review confirms that consumers would strive to discipline their bodies in order to match the
ideals displayed on print and screen. Blum (2007) provides an example of celebrity
identification where some people are willing to undergo makeovers such as cosmetic
surgery to transform themselves from „plain‟ to „glamourous‟ in “the pursuit of favourite
celebrity features” (p. 34). The literature review affirms that when a female celebrity
becomes the cookie cutter for the ideal beauty, female bodies become the subject of
scrutiny and self-surveillance in order to fulfil the „ultimate‟ body.
Both the literature review and data analysis highlight the overrepresentation of the idealized
Western beauty through media and advertising especially towards non-Western consumers
(Halprin, 1995). For example, the frequent use of models with pale skin or Eurasian
features to endorse beauty products in Asian advertising which Makkar and Strube (1995)
believes it not only denies the existence of real Asian women but also fuels the unrealistic
ethnic-based standards of beauty ideals. The overrepresentation of Western beauty not only
makes the beauty ideal socio-culturally homogenous but also leave non-Western consumers
experiencing low self-esteem and feeling dissatisfied towards their bodies (Grogan, 2008).
Therefore, the “narrowing views of what it means to be a woman” (p. 67) will not benefit
consumers in the long run (Lin and Yeh, 2009).
Darling-Wolf (2004) and Blum (2007) argue that consumers can negotiate with media
influences whilst expressing their uniqueness amidst a globalised consumer culture without

81
having to refashion themselves as celebrity-grade humans. A model of feminine beauty by
women can be produced to celebrate diversity and allow “an expansion of ideas of beauty”
(Bartky, 1990, cited by Grogan, 2008, p. 79). My data analysis also states the inclusion of
„minority‟ women in the media, for example albinos and red-haired individuals, would
affirm the existence of real women of various appearances especially in a globalised
consumer culture. Therefore, the data analysis confirms that proper depictions of femininity
not only can lower women‟s anxiety in fulfilling the beauty ideal but also minimize the
stereotypical portrayal of women in advertising and media.
Body image
According to Öberg and Tornstam (1999), body image is fundamental to individuals where
self-identity is affected by judgments made towards the body. Although the literature
review states body image is believed to be related to physical and mental health, Thompson
(1999, cited by Grogan, 2008) defines body image as an individual‟s perceptions and
feelings towards his or her body. Body image is also determined by social experiences such
as exposure to media or socio-cultural cues and peer influence. When the ideals of beauty
are internalized, one‟s perceptions towards his or her own physical attractiveness are not
only affected but also his or her consumption activities are related to attaining the
„beautiful‟ body (Englis, Solomon and Ashmore, 1994).
The literature review states that preoccupation with one‟s body until the point of hatred and
dissatisfaction is considered as the “hypochondria of beauty” (p. 41) where the body is seen
as an imperfection which must be fixed through diets and makeovers (Frost, 2001; Blum,
2007). With the internalization of the unattainable ideal, Groesz, Levine and Murnen

82
(2002) believe body dissatisfaction is likely to lead to low self-esteem, eating disorders and
depression. Grogan (2008) adds that body dissatisfaction, especially within the sports
culture, can lead to drug abuse and over-exercising when an athlete attempts to fulfil the
athletic ideal.
However, the data analysis argues that individuals who reject the beauty ideal are likely to
have positive views towards their bodies including healthy eating habits and higher self-
esteem. My data analysis confirms its statement when 79 participants (72 percent) of the
structured interview are reported to be satisfied with their bodies in response to Question
832. The data analysis also discovers that 72 interview participants (65 percent) believe they
are beautiful in response to Question 733. With body image issues on the rise, future
research into body dissatisfaction should not only just explore weight and appearance
concerns but also investigate how some individuals maintain positive body image by
resisting the beauty ideal (Dione, Davis, Fox, and Gurevich, 1995). Grogan (2008) includes
the importance of further research into body image and self-esteem issues among non-
Western groups.
Beauty practices (Historical and Contemporary)
The thesis chapter (Historical and Contemporary Beauty Trends) investigating Western and
non-Western beauty practices, both historical and contemporary, helps us to understand
how women endure pain, labour and pressure to regulate their bodies in order to achieve the
ideal standard of beauty. From footbinding to tanning, Wijsbek (2000) questions whether
the pursuit for beauty are “for others to exploit” (p. 454) or simply a freely adopted lifestyle
32 Question 8- Are you happy with your body and your face?
33 Question 7- Do you think you are beautiful?

83
which Frost (2001, cited by Jeffreys, 2005) describes as a “positive „central identificatory
process‟” (p. 20) for women to express their identities through fashion. In the literature
review, Jeffreys (2005) believes that beauty practices are harmful and aim to create a
stereotyped femininity which portray women spending amounts of time and energy in order
to fulfil the accepted standard of attractiveness. However, Bloch and Richins (1992) argue
that beauty practices are not necessarily oppressive where they can serve as positive self-
esteem enhancers. For instance, the use of cosmetic concealers which are found to boost the
self-esteem of individuals with facial blemishes (Wright et. al., 1970, cited by Bloch and
Richins, 1992). As little is known about consumer behaviour with regard to beauty
practices, additional research is needed to not only understand the roles of beauty practices
in societies but also the investigation of relations between consumption and self-esteem.
‘Perfect’ body versus the natural body
When the aesthetic ideal is heavily emphasised, Bronwell (1992) believes the drive for the
„perfect‟ body fuels the fitness and beauty industries of modern society. The quest for
physical perfection would often become the “need to attain standards” to the extreme
(Pliner and Haddock, 1995, p. 382). The literature review agrees when the body is under
constant surveillance and scrutiny, the individual would be considered to have failed to
attain perfection through diet and exercise as means of discipline and control. When diet
and exercise fail, the literature review proves how some individuals would make do with
cosmetic surgery or other beauty practices as a last resort to achieve the perfect body
(Gimlin, 2002). For example, when cosmetic surgery is used as the last resort to attain the
„ultimate‟ body, it would be considered as the invasion of the human body for the sake of
fulfilling the beauty ideal (Bordo, 1990, cited by Gimlin, 2002). As a result of the emphasis

84
on the „perfect‟ body, it blurs the lines between the natural body and the beauty ideal.
Although authors such as Wolf (1990) and Jeffreys (2005) in the literature review consider
the beauty ideal to be unrealistic, Grogan (2008) believe we can resist the internalization of
the „perfect‟ body through psychoeducational interventions regarding unrealistic images
portrayed media and advertising. In addition, further research is needed to investigate the
link between body dissatisfaction and media and advertising.
Femininity and beauty: The portrayal of real women via the media and what roles do we
play in?
According to the literature review, beauty is defined as an aesthetic category that applies to
bodies and faces. Although my data analysis affirms with the literature review‟s definition
of beauty, it argues that beauty is beyond skin deep. The data analysis defines beauty as the
ability to possess inner qualities such as selflessness and good personality. Moreover,
beauty is explained as the ability to embody self-confidence and satisfaction towards one‟s
body. Therefore, the data analysis has shown that beauty is not only subjective but also
shows that it varies across all cultures and societies of the world. In-depth studies into
beauty would be useful for us to understand how individuals and societies perceive beauty,
past and present, especially from the perspectives of psychology and social sciences.
In the literature review, femininity is equated with the ability to conform to beauty practices
and changing one‟s body in order to fulfil the beauty ideal. However, my data analysis
argues the definition of femininity is subjective as it goes beyond the ability of embracing
womanhood and embodying feminine beauty. The data analysis also says that femininity is
defined as a woman‟s ability to embody high self-esteem towards herself and her body.

85
Femininity is also described as a woman‟s ability to stand up for her beliefs and values as
an individual of society. Despite the data analysis has further explained on femininity, I
believe future research would be useful to study femininity and its portrayal by media and
society.
Although is easy to blame media and advertising for encouraging the internalization of
beauty ideals within our consumers, the literature review cites Wolf‟s (1990) suggestion
that we can play a role in society by counteracting the beauty myth by reinterpreting beauty
as non-hierarchical and beyond appearances alone. The data analysis not only confirms
with the literature review‟s statement but also points out how realistic portrayals of women
in the media is beneficial in acknowledging the existence of real bodies rather than
pressuring female consumers to conform to the beauty ideal. The data analysis, in response
to Question 13 of the thesis structured interview, also adds the importance of moral support
and compliments from peers and family being helpful in promoting positive self-esteem
among individuals. Therefore, beauty will not be used to divide and rule all women.
When efforts are put to recognise the existence of real women via the media, a pro-woman
definition of beauty can be achieved when we choose not to be snared into the beauty
backlash which denies the diversity of feminine beauty. As Grogan (2008) believes further
research need to be made regarding body image and the portrayal of beauty via media, she
states the importance of acceptability of various body types, including less focus on
aesthetics, would be fundamental in improving body satisfaction for all women.

86
Conclusion
Although Entwistle (2000) says fashion and dress articulate the female body by producing
discourses on the body, Clark (1972, cited by Etcoff, 1999) and Rich and Cash (1993)
argue the body is difficult to make into an art via direct rendering especially when women
are under pressure to conform to the beauty ideals that society and mass media depict as
attractive with regard to body size, body weight, hair colour and the use of adornments.
Etcoff (1999) says although all cultures, historical and contemporary, revere the beauty
ideal and “pursues it at enormous costs” (p. 233), a core reality to beauty exists amidst the
cultural constructs and myths. With the existence of the ideal beauty in every culture and
the constant pressure to conform, women‟s bodies are used as instruments to not only
punish other women but also divide and conquer them based on their abilities to fulfil the
definition of „beauty‟ (Wolf, 1990).
The aim of the thesis interview is to explore how women from various age groups and
different cultural and societal backgrounds not only define feminine beauty but also, in
Wolf‟s (1990) words, defy the beauty myth which can allow them to reinterpret „beauty‟ as
universal, non-competitive and non-hierarchical. Therefore when women can adorn and
dress up in celebration of their bodies, they are doing it for themselves and others in a
positive light (Wolf, 1990). In addition, the purpose of the interview is to investigate how
self-esteem and body image co-relate with each other regarding women‟s perceptions and
acceptance towards their bodies. From the thesis interview, a data analysis is used to
present qualitative and quantitative findings. A discussion section is created to not only
compare between the literature review and data analysis but also to report any additional
findings relating to self-esteem and feminine beauty which are not mentioned earlier in the

87
literature review. This thesis aims to encourage us to not only affirm the existence of real
women‟s bodies but also help us to understand how self-esteem and body satisfaction are
linked to each other in relation to feminine beauty and its portrayal by media and society.
Secondly, the thesis extends into the exploration of women‟s views towards beauty,
femininity, body dissatisfaction and the issue of how beauty is portrayed by media and
culture. The results of the structured interview not only reveal participants‟ concerns
towards media‟s portrayal and societies‟ views of beauty and the issue of body
dissatisfaction among other women but also their answers prove that beauty is subjective
where “no definition can capture beauty entirely” (Etcoff, 2000, p.8). Moreover, opinions
from participants not only agree with the renowned adage “Beauty is in the eye of the
beholder” but also prove beauty varies across cultures and societies of the world. Therefore,
Wolf (1990) believes a pro-woman definition of beauty exists amidst a mainstream
consumer culture which promotes the beauty ideal.
Body image is defined as not just as one‟s perception towards her body or her values
towards herself but it is also how she relates with other women (Notman, 2003). Therefore,
the research addresses the beauty ideal challenge women face daily in their lives. Wolf
(1990) believes as long as a woman sees herself as beautiful, she challenges the world by
refusing to be trapped within the beauty myth. As Grogan (2008) states the 2000s is an era
of increased concern with the body, there are still many questions to be answered via future
studies into body dissatisfaction and self-esteem as well as the portrayal of feminine beauty
via media and various cultures. Research would be useful to enable experts in the fields of
media, communication studies and social sciences to not only dispel the beauty myth but
also help women to appreciate themselves and their bodies rather than propel towards the

88
unrealistic beauty ideal. In addition, intervention could be developed to improve body
satisfaction and self-esteem to help us understand why individuals, especially women, are
compelled to scrutinize or attempt to alter their bodies in order to fulfil the beauty ideal
their societies and the media are upholding. Therefore, media images and socio-cultural
views towards feminine beauty should not be blamed or eradicated but Ogden and Mundray
(1996) believe they can be useful tools in the study of women‟s body image and body
dissatisfaction as well as self-esteem.

89
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