Reproduction, Child and Maternal Health: Critique of FGM Interventions in Mali

Running Head: REPRODUCTION, CHILD AND MATERNAL HEALTH
Reproduction, Child and Maternal Health
Name
Institution

REPRODUCTION, CHILD AND MATERNAL HEALTH 2
Reproduction, Child and Maternal Health
Introduction
Female genital mutilation or cutting (FGM) is described as all processes, which entail
incomplete or entire exclusion of the female outer genitalia or other harm to the feminine genital
organs for grounds that are non-medical. The prevalence of female genital mutilation in many
African and Middle-East countries is alarming given the risks that come with this practice. It is
projected that over 125 million females along with girls alive today have faced the cut in 29
nations in Africa, as well as the Middle-East in which FGM is more pronounced. The causes of
FGM comprise a mix of religious, cultural, as well as social elements within families along with
communities. FGM practice amounts to the violations of girls’ along with women’s rights where
the practice is censored by several global agreements along with codes and by nationwide laws
in several nations. Thus far, where it is accomplished, this act is in regard to custom, plus social
traditions to make sure that young girls are socially accepted in addition to marriageable, and to
maintain their standing plus honour. Female genital mutilation often perceived as a means to get
ready young girls for parenthood, as well as marriage, attempting FGM before they break their
virginity (plus matrimonial loyalty later). In Mali, the prevalence of FGM is more prevalent
among ethnic groups (White, Dynes, Rubardt, Sissoko & Stephenson, 2013).
The topic of critique of interventions towards eradicating FGM in Mali is worth
exploring because it will provide a platform on the future improvements. In addition, Mali is a
country that has no legislation on FGM that makes an ideal for this study. The paper will
primarily critique the interventions that have been used in Mali to stop FGM that is having
adverse effects on girls and women undergoing the cut.

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Country Profile (Mali)
In Mali, the proportion of women along with girls that have passed FGM is 91.4 per cent.
This pace of the practice of FGM has amplified from 85.2 per cent in the Demographic Health
Survey (DHS) 2006, although the northern parts were incorporated in the 2013 DHS report.
Thus, the attuned number for 2006 displaying incidence not including the northern areas to make
it analogous to 2013 was 92 per cent (Yoder & Khan, 2008). Therefore, when only matching the
areas that were surveyed in the two reports, the pace of female genital mutilation has decreased
vaguely. The incidence of female genital mutilation is only slightly greater amongst those living
in remote regions (91.8 per cent) as compared to urban regions (90.5 per cent) (United Nations
Population Fund, 2015). The rates of FGM are greatest in the southern along with the western
regions of Sikasso, Kayes, Bamako, as well as Koulikoro, as well as minimal in the northern
eastern parts of Gao and Kidal. In Mali, female genital mutilation is a social norm. The primary
grounds for practicing FGM in Mali comprise: social appreciation, additional enjoyment for the
males, hygiene, superior marriage prospect, ensuring virginity, and belief that it is a religious
requirement. Female genital mutilation is practised by religious, as well as non-religious Mali
people. Mali has a huge Muslim preponderance that have an incidence rate of 92.8 per cent.
Christians practice the cut at around 65.2 per cent, Animists at 77.2 per cent, and non-religious
people at 91 per cent (although the last two groups are minorities in Mali) (White et al., 2013).
FGM is undertaken principally by a traditional excisor. The majority of the girls along
with women in Mali undergo FGM under the age of 5 years (73 per cent). The age bracket 5-9
yeats is 14.6 per cent, ages 10-14 per cent constitute 6.7 per cent, 15+ per cent make up 0.4 per
cent and “unknown” make up 5.3 per cent. The mainstream of Mali people has understanding of

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FGM practice; 98.3 per cent of females are aware of FGM and 98.8 per cent of males. On
continuing the FGM practice, 76.0 per cent of females were in support of FGM, and 98.8 per
cent of males (Yoder, Wang & Johansen, 2013). When surveyed, the majority of the people felt
that there was no benefit in NOT undertaking the cut, showing that FGM is firmly-entrenched
cultural tradition, which is seen as an acceptable custom in plus of itself. There is presently no
law exclusively criminalizing the practice in this country. However, the Penal Code must be
interpreted that covers the practice under its prohibition of serious physical injury. The National
Plan for the Eradication of the cut (Portant Code Des Personnes et de la Familie, 2011 (PNLE)
affirmed that female genital mutilation must be outlawed under the provisions of Penal Code,
although enforcement is still a primary a concern (Yoder & Khan, 2008).
Critique of FGM Interventions in Mali
There is a basic significance in comprehending the social structure in Mali to understand
the reasons FGM interventions have not been successful. The Fulani and Mande (together make
up 67 per cent of the population) are gerontocratic and patriarchal, which means power rests in
the hands of males plus the society is structure based on age. FGM is believed to be passed from
ancestors where it will not be questioned without confronting the authority. Polygamy is
widespread in Malian cultural groups, where 40 per cent of females are in polygamous
marriages, comprising 20 per cent of married young girls aged between 15 and 19 years (Banks,
Meirik & Farley, 2006).
There are many interventions in Mali that have been established but the majority of these
interventions have proved ineffective because of different social challenges and other factors that
undermine them. Non governmental organizations (NGOs) have been labouring to eliminate the