Transnational Civil Society and Advocacy Politics Part I: Transnational Civil Society and Advocacy Politics, Diaspora, EU Influence on Member States, and Unbiased Mediation in International Organizati
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GLOBAL POLITICSTSC and Advocacy Politics, Diaspora, EU Influence on Member States, and UnbiasedMediation in International OrganizationsNameInstitutionDate
Part I: Transnational Civil Society and Advocacy PoliticsGenerally, civil society is a system of non-governmental and non-profit “privately organized citizens1.” Transnational civil society refers to “self-organized advocacy groups that undertake voluntary collective action across state borders in pursuit of what they deem the wider public interest2.” Unlike government authorities like antiterrorism and other transnational anti-criminal agencies, transnational civil societies do not use ammunition in their operations. They also do not have at their disposal economic powers linked corporationsor government agencies. This gives them a puzzling influence on contemporary transnational civil programs. The transnational civil societies began in the early 1950s with the aim of protecting human rights by campaigning for disarmament of Russia3. Although it is difficult to argue that private citizens have the capability to influence the world politics, their collective network across the borders have significant influence on the world politics. Examples of transnational civil societies that are active today are Amnesty International and Transparency International. TSCs derive their authorities from expertise, claim to political legitimacy, and moral influence4. Scientists have profound influence on the contemporary issues and many of them usually capitalize on their expertise by working for politicians to reinforce preferred policies. Sometimes experts provide objective knowledge that is ideally compromised. The legitimacy of the Amnesty International vests on “its reputation as a disinterested third party actor5” with1 Richard Price. "Transnational Civil Society and Advocacy in World Politics." World Politics 55, no. 04 (2003): 5802 Price (2003): 5803 Martina Piewitt, Meike Rodekamp, and Jens Steffek. "Civil Society in World Politics: How Accountable are Transnational CSOs?" Journal of Civil Society 6, no. 3 (2010): 2394 Piewitt et al (2010): 2415 Martin Albrow, Hakan Seckinelgin, and Helmut K. Anheier. Global Civil Society 2011. Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011: 32
‘apolitical’ expertise. The TSC has the moral authority to fight for individuals’ rights under subjugation of the government. This moral authority is what underscores the transnational activists’ influence on important issues, and therefore citizens have great confidence in them. Most citizens trust TSCs to provide accurate information concerning political processes, particularly in democratically deficient countries. In practice, TSCs always identify an issue on global agenda; get institutional procedures and international actors who push for their dianoetic stance to influence actor behaviour and policy changes. Ideally, TCS actors not only seek to influence the identities and interests of characters, but also the milieu in that these actors operate. Given that many actors are driven by material power, the paper accentuate how activists push for international ideas and norms to change government policies and practices, civil society, corporations, and intergovernmental organizations. Recent studies on TCS downplays the concept of constructionism theory of rationale divide due to fact that it does not adequately focus on agency, and as such, most recent research encompasses the combination of instrumentalist and persuasive antics that TSCs employ6. Operationally, TSC like Amnesty International sets agenda by recognizing a problem of global concern and then produces information7. The second step is that it develops solutions by designing norms and providing recommendations on policy change8. The next step usually involves developing networks of coalitions and allies. The TCS then implements solutions by applying pressure, employing persuasive antics, or encouraging compliance withthe set norms. The creation and implementation of the new norms have high chances of success and they can be engrafted more firmly compared to the previous norms. For instance,6 Piewitt et al (2010): 2427Daphne, Josslin, and William Wallace. Non-State Actors in World politics(Palgrabe); 2001.8 Amnesty International, last modified 2018, https://www.amnesty.org/en/
if Amnesty International established new international norms regarding extrajudicial killings, which was positioned on international agenda and entrenched on the human rights provisions without much ado9. Amnesty International has been making efforts to accomplish legal and political objectives by making gradual steps towards influencing UN resolutions. This has succeeded in opening windows for Amnesty International push for particular norms on the reaffirmed principles. Amnesty International can invoke principles that already entrenched in the Universal Declaration and use them as the agenda for their campaigns in a later date. Thistransforms the initial weak expressions into strong rallying points. Concisely, TSCs have the efficacy to institutionalize initially weak norms. Amnesty’s capability to institutionalize weaknorms is underpinned on “preference for principles over expedient compromises10.” However, in the case of the Transparency International, the activists have been fighting corruption by appealing to both self-interest and principles as well as seeking to develop policy-building coalitions that are aimed at reforming corrupt systems instead of exposing corruption scandals. Efforts of direct actionists and grassroots tend to be effectual particularly if there is unfavourable political condition and NGO elites are committed to deliver change. Public campaigns and actionists use messages that raise expectations hence piling pressure, which make political decision-makers insecure hence encouraging them to seek solutions and reassurance from the incrementalists11. When the activists succeed in their actions, new issues emerge, political opportunities surfaces, and activism targets develop newforms of resistance to counteract the backlash. The success of the activism depends on the how the elite lobby groups are organized and the possibility of the target government to use security forces against such campaigns versus its sensibility to protect its reputation on the international space. 9 Albrow (2011): 3410 Albrow (2011): 14411 Jonathan Liljeblad. "The Pyu Ancient Cities World Heritage application: lessons from Myanmar on transnational advocacy networks." Journal of Civil Society 13, no. 1 (2016): 21
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