Intergenerational Trauma and Its Effects on Indigenous Australians

This article discusses the effects of intergenerational trauma on Indigenous Australians, including social determinants, cultural implications, and secondary acquaintance to trauma. The trauma has led to an increased level of poverty and slowed economic growth rate in the country. Intergenerational trauma has led to violence, poor relationship between children and their parents, and poor access to health facilities. The culture of the aboriginals and Torres Islander people have been adversely affected, and this caused them to change their attitude towards how things around them happen.

Running Head: INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA
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INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA
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Introduction
Intergenerational trauma refers to a person’s experience to respond to a significant
catastrophic occurrence which is overwhelming and is known to leave the person with
incapability in coming to terms with it. In some case of intergenerational trauma, the condition is
passed from the first group of survivors who experienced it or who observed the traumatic
occurrences to the future compeers. The latter is therefore called intergenerational trauma and
can be passed to the preceding generations via child-care practices, conduct glitches, ferocity,
and mental health factors.
The indigenous people in Australia faced intergenerational trauma due to colonization,
associated with violence, loss of culture, land, and exposure to strategies such as the exclusion of
children from their families. The trauma has been passed from one age group to the other and has
had overwhelming effects (Funston & Herring, 2016). Persons who have experienced trauma
have a high probability of engaging in self-destructive behaviors, being infected with diseases
and also have issues with the felonious justice scheme. The increased rate of underprivileged
physical health, mental health challenges, and increased rate of suicidal thoughts, self-harm, and
domestic violence among the Torres Strait Islander people are directly linked with the
intergenerational trauma (Atkinson, Brooks, & Atkinson, 2014). The latter is caused by the
historical circumstances of trauma, the upcoming occurrences of trauma which leads to a spiteful
cycle of poverty and discrimination of the indigenous communities.

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Secondary acquaintance to trauma for the indigenous kids can happen when they
eyewitness the past traumatic involvements of their household as members of the society as a
result of annexation (Parker & Milroy, 2014). These children experience trauma due to the
acquaintance to family vehemence, child mishandling, and the original injury that was suffered
by the parent of the caregiver.
Research shows that the health status for Australia’s Aboriginals is relatively weak when
compared to the rest of the non-indigenous inhabitants. There is a massive inequity gap in almost
all statistics (Calma, Dudgeon, & Bray, 2017). The life expectancy gap is 17 years between the
non-indigenous and the indigenous persons. The death rates for the non-indigenous people aged
below 65 years of age are twice that of the indigenous people. The indigenous persons do not
have the same opportunity for assessing health facilities as the non-indigenous persons. The
relative socio-economic advantage experienced by aboriginal people is weak since it exposes
them to social and ecological risk factors (Somerville, Cullen, McIntyre, Townsend, & Pope,
2017). The latter happens because most of the indigenous people live in circumstances that do
not back-up good health conditions.
The indigenous people also do not have a reach to good healthcare, including accesses to
clean water and adequate sewage system and proper housing. Little has been done in the
reduction of the inequality gap amid the aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and the non-
indigenous people in the recent past (Funston & Herring, 2016) (Dudgeon, Watson, & Holland,
2017). The improvements in the measures taken to mend the quality of life of the aboriginals do
not match that of the indigenous Australians. For instance, research shows that the death rates
from the cardiac ailment in the non-indigenous have reduced by 30% in the last four decades
whereas, for the indigenous people, there have been no improvements in the same. The structure

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of the young population among the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people is a clear
indication of what has been happening in the community. There is an increase in absolute terms
of the size of the young age among the Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islander people (Dudgeon,
Calma, & Holland, 2017). The Torres Strait Islander youths will, therefore, require improved
health services and programs so that they can keep up the pace with the demand and maintain the
status quo.
Research from several organizations shows that the colonization of Australia was
accompanied by disruption and suffering in many connections that are the basis of the emotional
and physical wellbeing and good health for the aboriginals and Torres Strait Islander people.
Children from the Aboriginal community were removed from their families by the state
government under the act of respective parliaments (Calma, Dudgeon, & Bray, 2017). Research
shows that most of the children who were separated from their families have poor health and
negative school experience.
Research shows that one in every three children taken from their families between 1910
and 1970s under the policies of the racist government that were meant for the assimilation of the
aboriginals to the white Australians. The children were brought up in institutions or adopted
families (Funston & Herring, 2016). The families of the stolen generations are far worse off in
terms of health and wellbeing in the community. Research shows that the children from the
stolen generation missed school without permission from the prior year permission and were also
reported to be mistreated or mistreated in the schools. The children also experienced poor health.
Children living within the stolen generation households experienced severe health outcomes than
any other Australian, and this was a clear indication of intergenerational poverty trauma (Gee,
Dudgeon, Schultz, Hart, & Kelly, 2014). The trauma was initiated by the racist policies that

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involuntary the amputation of kids from their families. The indigenous families, on average, die
ten years earlier than the non-indigenous families. Intergenerational trauma led to an increased
rate of drug and substance abuse and mental disability and hence reduced the rate of
employment.
Social Determinants
The aboriginals are severely disadvantaged when compared to the non-aboriginals.
Research shows that aboriginals have lower domestic revenues and lower rates of
unemployment. The less household income results to a reduction in disposable incomes for the
purchase of healthy foods, engagement in physical activity and leisure time which may provide
an essential source of improved health and affordability of suitable housing (Calma, Dudgeon, &
Bray, 2017).
The level of education among the aboriginals is also a factor that led to the low level of
quality healthcare. The aboriginals did not have adequate education; hence, they cannot access
better job opportunities. Income possesses a significant effect on health since the more educated
worker earns more money (Parker & Milroy, 2014). With the increased income for the learned,
they can buy healthy foods and also pay for health services with ease. The aboriginals lacked job
security, experienced low wages, and lacked the assets which are associated with less education.
The aboriginals also work in occupations which are highly risky due to the less education and
therefore have lesser job benefits compared to the non-indigenous people (Funston & Herring,
2016).

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Cultural Implications
The experience gained by the Torres Strait Islander people since the invasion of Australia
led to the suppression of their cultural practices. The white people’s settlement in the country
brought British laws that led to the alteration of the Australian laws, and the Australians were
forced to adopt the British constitution (Parker & Milroy, 2014). The culture of the aboriginal
was then swept away, and this was evident in the assimilation of Australians, especially with the
amputation of kids from their families. The Australians at times were also forced not to speak
their language but speak English only. The stolen generation was the most critical assault that
ever happened to the Aboriginal Australian and the Torres Strait Islander people. The recent
contemporary issues have played a part in hindering the Aboriginals from expressing and
practicing their legal rights (Gee, Dudgeon, Schultz, Hart, & Kelly, 2014). The recent legislative
interference and native act have played a noteworthy role in the hindrance. The government of
Australia recently dismissed the cultural importance of the ATSIC and claimed that it held
several symbolic issues that would interfere with the peace and tranquility enjoyed by the
Australians. The invasion of the Aboriginal laws and the possession of the sacred mountain and
plains also led to cultural trauma, and this had severe impacts on the Aboriginals (Somerville,
Cullen, McIntyre, Townsend, & Pope, 2017).
Conclusion
Intergenerational trauma has been one of the most traumatic occurrences that have
affected the current generation in Australia. The trauma impacted negatively to the lives of
Aboriginals and the Torres Strait Islander people. The trauma has had effects which have led to
an increased level of poverty and slowed economic growth rate in the country. Intergenerational;

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trauma has led to violence, poor relationship between children and their parents, and poor access
to health facilities. The culture of the aboriginals and Torres Islander people have been adversely
affected, and this caused them to change their attitude towards how things around them happen.
The society members should, therefore, understand and beware of their emotions and be ready to
share their problems with the general public and construct a future that their children will enjoy.
The government also needs to ensure that there is equality in the construction of health facilities
in all Australian communities without practicing discrimination. Education should be provided to
all without consideration of color or ethnic background.

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References
Atkinson, J., Brooks, R., & Atkinson, C. (2014). Addressing individual and community
transgenerational trauma. Working together: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
mental health and wellbeing principles and practice, 2(1), 289-307.
Calma, T., Dudgeon, P., & Bray, A. (2017). Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander social and
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Dudgeon, P., Calma, T., & Holland, C. (2017). The context and causes of the suicide of
indigenous people in Australia. Journal of Indigenous Wellbeing, 2(2), 5-15.
Dudgeon, P., Watson, M., & Holland, C. (2017). Trauma in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait
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Funston, L., & Herring, S. (2016). When will the stolen generations end?: A qualitative critical
exploration of contemporary'child protection'practices in Aboriginal and Torres Strait
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Gee, G., Dudgeon, P., Schultz, C., Hart, A., & Kelly, K. (2014). Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander social and emotional wellbeing. Working together: Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander mental health and wellbeing principles and practice, 2(1), 56-58.
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Somerville, R., Cullen, J., McIntyre, M., Townsend, C., & Pope, S. (2017). Engaging Aboriginal
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