Marx's Theory of Capitalist Exploitation in Sociology
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This essay explores Marx's historical-materialist theory of capitalist exploitation and how production relations characterize the functioning of the capitalist society.
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1SOCIOLOGY Introduction Marx used the concept of mode of production in two fundamental ways in order to evaluate the economic foundation and further to signify the generalized structure of the society (Christophers 2014). Consequentially he utilized the concept to identify a distinct combination of forces as well as relations of production which differentiated one form of labour processes along with its corresponding form of financial exploitation from the other. According to Frank (2016), it has been through the Marxist approach that the overall outline of social reproduction has been signified which emerged from the relations between the economic foundation constituting of comprising production, exchange, supply and utilization along with the lawful, political, social and ideological traditions of the supposed superstructure. However, Milios and Dimoulis (2018) have asserted that the later form of exploitation has been challenging as its conceptual base reflects utmost ambiguity and further supports a mono-causal economic study of whole societies. Fuchs (2014) has noted that Marxist theory critically elucidated capitalist profit as developing chiefly from the utilization of labour related to the misuse of additional value by means of systemic coercion of workforce. The following essay aims to argue the way production relations characterizes the functioning of the capitalist society by shedding light on Marx’s historical- materialist theory of capitalist exploitation. Discussion It has been well acknowledged that Karl Marx explained profit in capitalist economies as occurringprincipallyfromtheutilizationofproductivelabour.However,Anievasand Nisancioglu (2014) have shown certain ambiguity in Marx’s theory in relation to the economic judgment of capitalist exploitation, specifically the degree to which the latter shows its reliance on undeviating capitalist control of production which Marx further defined as the subsumption of
2SOCIOLOGY labour under capital. Furthermore, purchase and utilization of labour power within capitalist production has been identified as the fundamental focus of Marx’s concept on capitalist exploitation. At this juncture, surplus value has been noted to have developed from the influence of the capitalists with their ability as firm owners in order to strategically extort magnitudes of productive labour that has been greater than the cost of labour power (Hornborg 2014). Meanwhile, Lukács (2017) has persevered that capitalist utilization in accordance with Marxism would necessitate capitalist production primarily dependent on wage labour. At this stage, sociologists have shed light on Marxist contentions stating that “transformation of money into capital” must be elucidated on the basis that commodities primarily get traded at their relevant prices and values. These factors consequentially signify that not only capitalists essentially garner the use value of labour power, but also have the propensity to purchase labour power as a service at its exchange price. Skeggs (2014) has mentioned that since the engagement of wage labour capitalists obtains specifically the competence of labourers, capitalists consequently extort surplus labour and productivity from workers by exercising their regulation during the labour process. However, such a disagreement has reflected a substantial level of ambiguity. Firstly, the assertionthatmisuseofsurplusvaluemustbeprimarilyenlightenedonthebasisthat commodities primarily get traded at their relevant prices and values. Drawing relevance from this claim Hornborg (2014) has stated that there cannot be found any forms of legitimate value- theoretic grounds in support of the contention that industrial utilization views the purchase of labour power as a specific commodity, regardless of the fact that capital must garner the use cost of labour power to take into consideration importance of surplus value. Secondly, the subsequent suppositionsignifyingthatcapitalistexploitationcategoricallyentailsformsofcapitalist
3SOCIOLOGY productionhasfailedtobesustainedbyMarx’svalue-theoreticanalysisofcapitalism. Furthermore, Bieler and Morton (2014) have shed light on Marx’s assertions on historical events whereby surplus value was exploited by the essential means of capital which did not take for granted the purchase as well as consumption of labour power under production relations essentially intended for by capital. Comprehensive studies of Bieler and Morton (2014) have indicated that profits primarily take itsoccurrencesineconomiesfurtherdistinguishedbyorganizedcommodityexchange. Nevertheless, drawing relevance of these conditions, Skeggs (2014) has identified that Marxist approach primarily argued on the process in which commodities develop into crystals of a “social substance,” value that is eventually being calculated in relation to socially obligatory conceptual labour time. Furthermore, shedding light on these arguments, Marx acknowledged surplus value as the material basis of earnings and further posed assertions that considering the capitalist mode of production, use of surplus value primarily occurred by process of capitalist exploitation (Comor 2015). At this juncture, Hornborg (2014) has noted that to successfully comprehend Marx’s theoretical conceptualization of profit in the capitalist society; it is highly essential to embark on his ideas in relation to capitalism. Furthermore, Choat (2016) has mentioned that thorough misuse of surplus value primarily comprises of exploitation as it tends to entail the oppression of value producers which have been perceived as a universal sense when production relations are chiefly based on individually deliberate exchange of labour instead of giving importance to servitude (Vidal, Adler and Delbridge 2015). However, as a result, capitalist use as per Marxist notions greatly aligns to the exploitation of the appropriation of surplus value by the use of a circuit of wealth, to the extent that as the latter has been perceived to be dependent on the oppression of value producers primarily in accordance to their class
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4SOCIOLOGY position. Furthermore, according to Sweezy (2018), the material foundation of such a class relation chiefly exhibits its reliance on the disparate rights of the means of production. Such a form of unequal distribution of possession of the means of production signifies that labourers or workers must get intrinsically engaged into the exchange of dealings with capitalists to achieve utmost right to use a minimum portion of the essential conditions of production (Skeggs, 2014). At this point, Bieler and Morton (2014) have emphasized that the exclusive focus of Marx on the unequal and manipulative use within capitalist production of labour control primarily sold as a commodity has been unambiguously determined by conditions posed by Marx. Marx’s major speculations implied that the misuse of surplus value in the capitalist financial system must be elucidated by taking into consideration that all commodities exchange at their respective values which has been referred to as price-value equality. Moreover, relations of production have been primarily constituted by the economic ownership of productive forces whereby the most elemental to such associations have been considered as bourgeoisie’s rights of means of production whereas the proletariat chiefly owns specifically its labour power (Bieler and Morton 2014). Vidal, Adler and Delbridge (2015) have observed a disparity in economic ownership from legal ownership as it tends to associate with the control of the productive forces. Thus, the approach in which the growth of the forces, as well as relations of production, transpireswiththeimpactofsuchdevelopmenthasbeenconsideredasmajorareasof disagreement in Marxist thought. Furthermore, Johnson (2018) has noted that as Marxist theory tends to reflect substantial uncertainty, it has been claimed that Marx’s notions accentuated primarily on production relations and consequently produced developments in the forces. Meanwhile, Hornborg (2014) is of the opinion that as Marxist theory emphasizes on the way capitalist relations of production primarily transform production mechanisms along with the
5SOCIOLOGY labour process, these formulations do not pose any criticalities for the conception of production forces. Significantly, the idea that productive forces have been major regardless of the issues it presentshad beenstrongly reemphasizedin thewritingsof other scholars.Anievasand Nisancioglu (2014) have identified critical impediments in realizing the linkage of forces and relations of production whereby the two terms have been perceived as fundamentally compatible with each other within the mode of production. In such a point, one of the ideas has to emerge through such an approach that a denial tends to get established rather than developing as an accidental irregularity. In Marx’s perceptive of capitalist exploitation, the development as well as the product of socially controlled labour have been viewed as a secondary determinant to private property and thus integrated into the increase of capital. Hornborg (2014) here has mentioned that the power and influence of capitalists in order to strategically regulate the process of production and further expropriate its product have immense reliance on the attainable reproduction of their class-based supremacies, in addition to the insulation of these authorities from higher democratic and mutual types of decision-making. These critical speculations of Marxian account thus have shed light on the degree to which capitalism gives rise to certain private social supremacies posited in a distinct ‘economic’ arena of social life (Fuchs 2014). Furthermore, these distinctive financial spheres of social life effectively constrain from unambiguously ‘political’ public considerations as well as norms of self-governing liability. On the other hand, comprehensive studies of Lukács (2017) have found that pre-capitalist modes of production principally based on feudalism engaged the direct, forceful exploitation of surplus labour by the capitalist class along with grounded nobility whose social influences and controls were all together economic as well as political. Choat (2016) is of the opinion whether the servant class have been incompetent to yield
6SOCIOLOGY surplus labour to their owners (lord), the social implication, however, did not imply the failure of a private agreement but instead focused on a direct confrontation to the political-economic regulation whereby the social significance of the capitalist has been positioned. This social position of the capitalists has signified that lord would act in response by positioning the coercive power at his removal which would not have any significant exceptionality in a social milieu where economic and political facets of social life were amalgamated in this way (Hornborg 2014). However, Anievas and Nisancioglu (2014) have found that in a contemporary capitalist context, there has been observed certain remarkable determinants for employers to employ direct coercive power in the form of a central part of their appropriation of surplus labour. On the other hand, labourers of the modern capitalist environment encounter a high level of control and obligations to perform and further to put forward their effort to capitalist control of the workplace. However, Comor (2015) has found the way Marxism theory significantly derived relevancefromthecurrentscenarioofcapitalistcontextbywhatandreferredasthe ‘uninteresting coercion of economic life’ related to the unrelenting daily necessity to make adequate earnings to meet daily needs and demands. Furthermore, the direct involvement of political influence with open regulative power of the higher hierarchy within the industrialist workplace has been identified as a distinct exception rather than characterising it as a regulation. According to Vidal, Adler and Delbridge (2015), the social influences of capitalist financiers as well as employers have been significantly established in such a depoliticized money-making sphere. Such social influences of capitalist financiersthus have been realized not as ultimate political powers but rather as individual rights upper hierarchy primarily has upon private property. Moreover, on account of taken into consideration as elements of ‘private property’,
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7SOCIOLOGY these powers further have been constituted to be democratically inexplicable (Johnson 2018). Additionally, considering the high level of structural reliance on private investment of the state, certain administrative powers have been forced to provide the continuing significance of the capitalist class. Meanwhile, in the view of Skeggs, (2014), high lack of ability to construct significant political circumstances which are considered by capitalists as a business-friendly environment would be consequential to capitalist financiers in the process of capital distribution and further leaving the control to control over fiscal crises which could be politically appalling to the existing section of office holders. Furthermore, current studies of Milios and Dimoulis (2018) have revealed that contemporary politicians of all significant and influential parties have thus been developing a sense of understanding of the current structural relianceon the sustainability of business-friendly ambiance whereby a series of potential policy orientations have effectively been considered to be unacceptable. Thus, such an embedded veto power on the framework of public policy has been considered as another assertion whereby Marxists have argued that capitalism reflects unfairness and acts undemocratic (Veblen 2015). Significantly in order to categorize capitalism intently with the financial system and further with Marxism with economic analysis Fuchs (2014) must essentially focus on specific forms of biased as well as cultural groups and practice which are associated with capitalist social truth and are further have been concerned with certain political resistance towards the transformation of structural formation of life. Furthermore, Vidal, Adler and Delbridge (2015) have identified the structure of social organization grounded on certain privatized social control as a method filled with disagreements and apprehensions. These factors, as a result, have led historical materialism to focus on these influences with their structural as well as ideological defences to critically subject them to critical analysis and further to recognize previously real potentials for progressive social
8SOCIOLOGY developments. At this juncture, Hornborg (2014) has put emphasis on Marx’s conceptualization which signifiedthatprivatizedsocialauthoritiesofcapitalhavesignificantglobalperspectives. Furthermore, it has been noted that Marxist theoretical assumptions on global activities of industrial capital have exhibited potential transformations aimed for the social institutes of production on an international scale further distributing and raising the capitalist organization of creation along with mounting the socially productive powers. Comprehensives studies of Choat (2016) have shed light on the Marxist theory which signified that such a process would essentially involve progressive as well as retrogressive facets and consequently produce a substantial amount of apprehension with the potential for qualitative as well as progressive social transformations (Vidal, Adler and Delbridge 2015). Conclusion Hence to conclude, in the view of Marxist theory, capitalism must not be mystified with concepts related to markets or exchange which have significantly preceded capitalism. However, on the other hand, ideas related to capitalism signified a distinct form of social life whereby trade and commerce had progressed to such an extent that labour power has been purchased and sold on the market. It has been noted that taking into consideration the class associations and dealings of capitalism; direct creators are not individually been associated with their exploiter, as the case had been for slaves encountering oppression from their lords or significantly feudal serfs who had been compelled to the lord’s estate. Thus, Marx’s evaluation related to capitalism depended on the assertions which have been understandable within the milieu of his dialectical speculation of social self-production. However, persistent rivalry among private capitalists resulted in extension as well as an explanation of the social division of labour along with constant
9SOCIOLOGY modernization has been distinguished as an organization of production development.
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10SOCIOLOGY References Anievas, A. and Nisancioglu, K., 2014. The Poverty of Political Marxism.International Socialist Review,94, pp.1-25. Bieler, A. and Morton, A.D., 2014. Uneven and combined development and unequal exchange: the second wind of neoliberal ‘free trade’?.Globalizations,11(1), pp.35-45. Choat, S., 2016. Marxism and anarchism in an age of neoliberal crisis.Capital & Class,40(1), pp.95-109. Christophers,B.,2014.FromMarxtomarketandbackagain:Performingthe economy.Geoforum,57, pp.12-20. Clarke, S., 2016.Marx's theory of crisis. Springer. Comor, E., 2015. Revisiting Marx's value theory: A critical response to analyses of digital prosumption.The Information Society,31(1), pp.13-19. Frank, A.G., 2016. Transitional ideological modes: Feudalism, capitalism, socialism. InCritical Anthropology(pp. 93-110). Routledge. Fuchs, C., 2014. Theorising and analysing digital labour: From global value chains to modes of production.The Political Economy of Communication,2(1), pp.3-27. Hornborg,A.,2014.Ecologicaleconomics,Marxism,andtechnologicalprogress:Some explorationsoftheconceptualfoundationsoftheoriesofecologicallyunequal exchange.Ecological economics,105, pp.11-18. Hornborg, A., 2014. Technology as fetish: Marx, Latour, and the cultural foundations of capitalism.Theory, Culture & Society,31(4), pp.119-140. Johnson, J.V., 2018. The growing imbalance: Class, work, and health in an era of increasing inequality. InUnhealthy Work(pp. 37-59). Routledge.
11SOCIOLOGY Lukács, G., 2017. Reification and the Consciousness of the Proletariat. InKarl Marx(pp. 3-25). Routledge. Milios, J. and Dimoulis, D., 2018.Karl Marx and the classics: An essay on value, crises and the capitalist mode of production. Routledge. Radice, H., 2015. Class theory and class politics today.Socialist Register,51(51). Schmitt, R., 2018.Introduction to Marx and Engels: a critical reconstruction. Routledge. Skeggs, B., 2014. Values beyond value? Is anything beyond the logic of capital?.The British Journal of Sociology,65(1), pp.1-20. Sweezy, P.M., 2018.Theory of Capital Development. NYU Press. Veblen, T., 2015.The socialist economics of Karl Marx and his followers. Read Books Ltd. Vidal, M., Adler, P. and Delbridge, R., 2015. When organization studies turns to societal problems: The contribution of Marxist grand theory.