This essay explores the sociological association between food and globalization, focusing on topics such as gastronationalism and commensality. It discusses the role of food in identity politics and the complexities of globalization.
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Running head:SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING Name of the Student: Name of the University: Author note:
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1SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING Food and Top down Nationalism Food as well as diet in the book, “Food, national identity and nationalism: From everyday to global politics”, have been given utmost significance by the state as well as state-owned organizations in pursuit of the purposes of the nation-status, commonly in order to uphold the independence of the nation-state. On the other hand, as per the view of Ichijo and Ranta (2016), the ‘top-down’ attribute of nationalism further faced criticismregardless of substantial amount of authority attributed to the Emperor. According to Ichijo and Ranta (2016), the concept of being corrupted with the consumption of meat persisted among the common citizens till the 1920s. However, the situation observed during the Second World War, had experienced the decreasing supply of food which includes meat and white rice. On the other hand, the top-down development of meat consumption and sustainability of cult of white rice persisted in the post war period. For instance, origin of Bengali effeminacy has been related to the climate and to Indigenous diet of rice consumption in contrast to the meat-based British diet. Thus, it is imperative to note that food capacity to associate human population to their natural setting has been chiefly formed by the nation-state in a highly implicit approach. Floating Food Duruz (2010) has drawn insights of the fragments of memory in order to plan a itinerant direction towards an imagined ‘others of Asia’ which has been produced as well as eaten in the culinary styles of Western regions. As per the view of Duruz (2010),Otak-otak identified as an omnipresent charisma in Singapore’s hawker food recently has developed as a grieved absence incentralLondonfortheculturalsegmentofthe‘‘Anglo’cosmopolitantopicoffood consumption. The Otak-Otak signifies the shades of class, traditions, gender in addition to
2SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING sensory picture that reflected an unforgettable moment for distinctiveness regarding ‘floating’’ and trance of entanglement and restrictions. Duruz (2010) has cited an example of a British Born citizen, James who has spent his initial days in Hong Kong and experienced the issue of fragments of memory regarding food where his memories, have been shaped by a double diaspora of memories that British child growing up in Hong Kong, jointly with the yearning of a repatriated British filled with nostalgia intended for the tastes as well as smells of his Asian cultural patterns. Thus, it is vital to note that the storyline richness of daily exchanges between strangers and familiars in the culinary process have been highly productive with ways of accepting the intricacies of diasporic place-making. Commensality The article has mentioned that one of the mainly prominent understandings of human society is related to commensality where individuals have a propensity to eat collectively as well as in groupings. Thus, to the opinion of Fischler(2011), in contemporary times, the issues highlighted during the early 1990s have attained in utmost intensity and in developed as well as in developing nations. The Fischler(2011) has drawn insights from former studies which concluded that commensality typically unites the public as well as private arena. If previous studies dependent on the ideas of Simmel shows relevance then commensality tends to collapse both private and public, then food cannot be regarded as another type of consumption which cannot be privatized rather seen as a regular merchandise or commodity. At this juncture, Fischler(2011) has noted that the dialectic between public as well as private and flanked by personal and institutional shows highly reliable and thus be studied across history as well as
3SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING society. For example, the court of King Charles V (1338–1380) witnesses that all servant- officers responsible of to provide personal services to the king had been entitled to be provided for and stuck by him and eat in commensality. Thus, it is understood that the procurement and distribution of food in addition to the social bylaw can be considered as the foundation for much of social organization in human cultures. Consumers Republic Cohen (2004) poses a supposition in the article that if stimulating a mass consumer financial system appeared to comprise a good financial sagacity for the state, it still necessitated widespread initiatives to gather Americans in order to collaborate. As a result, there had been remarkable constrained demand for possessions and accommodation of struggling depression and conflict. However, consumers at that time showed utmost cautiousness regarding spending their reserves and war bonds that which they gathered while consumption had been limited on the home front. Moreover, the shopping centres which offered services during 1950s and 1960s had significantly added to newly developed calibration of customer power in the family unit between men as well as women that in several approaches which restricted the power of women over the family purse. Moreover, economic as well as social stratification of metropolitan America has been strengthened by marketers as well as marketers, who concurrently revealed the greater earnings to be made in categorizing the market into distinct submarkets on the basis of sexual characteristics, rank, age, race, customs as well as standard of living. For example, Cohen (2004) has noted that the in America, the rich man uses similar cigarettes to smoke as the man
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4SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING with limited financial resources shaves with similar type of razor and drives a vehicle with insignificant level of variations. Omnivore Paradox According to Pollan (2006), as a culture, individuals have gradually reached a situation the knowledge and insights gathered by individuals regarding food consumption has been replaced by utmost uncertainty and anxiety. Americans have altered the way they consume food. Pollan (2006) has noted that cooperative spasm of food which can be signified as carbophobia which captured the nation thus displacing a period of national lipophobia. Gradually, with the idea of carbophobia, Americans understood their capacity to have significant amount of meat. Suchhigh-proteinaswellaslowcarbohydratedietsreceivedsupportinseveralwide epidemiologicalstudiessuggestingthatthenutritionalorthodoxywhichhadinfluencein America since the 1970’s had been proved inaccurate. While, cooking gave opportunities to new vistas of edibility by interpreting several forms plants and animals more digestible and succeeding several of the chemical protections other species organize in opposition of being eaten. Part 2 Introduction The sociological association between food and globalization has been recognized as a specifically prosperous juxtaposition as it sheds light on the dialectic generated by homogenising developments of globalization as well as the manifestation ofnewly developed types of identity
5SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING politics revitalized by an ever more homogenous setting. The following essay reflects the way gastronomy can be related to the idea of food in recent times. Discussion Contemporary food policies further than the explanations it pays for into symbolic boundary politics articulates varied forms spheres related to the sociological interest that includes markets, identity political affairs, dependability, legitimacy as well as culture in addition to the intricacies of globalization. Moreover, it is imperative to note that the concept of gastro- nationalism exhibits the utilization of food production, sharing, distribution in addition to consumption to discriminate and maintain the sensitive supremacy of national connection along with the use of nationalist responses to generate as well as market food. As per the view of DeSoucey (2010), the concept of gastronationalism mainly associates social as well as cultural factors of food to politicsby developing the material,profitable, marketable as well as institutionalprocedures which influencevitalobjectsof exploration.These dynamicsare infrequently subjects related to the sociological inquiry in individual rights although with distinguished exceptions. On the other hand, with the attention to anorexia nervosa in the later phase of 19thcentury, it has been noted that Anglo-American medication with the failure of physicians in order to put into words the interpretation of the anorectics. According to DeSoucey (2010), in the late nineteenth century, adolescents have illustrated a range of health issues which involved eating and appetite disorders. These issues raised significant perplexities rather than transparency to the procedure of formulating the diagnosis for anorexia nervosa. On the other hand, cultural patrimony is not influenced by people but is essentially categorized by self-defined shared national distinctiveness. Drawing relevance to these factors, it has been claimed that self- defined shared national distinctiveness are similar to the ideas of folklore or heritage. For
6SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING instance, despite the fact that old pictures can be believed cultural possessions, Leonardo da Vinci’s Last Supper and Botticelli’s Birth of Venus are sorted as Italian educational patrimony (CounihanandVanEsterik2012).Atthisjuncture,DeSoucey(2010)hasnotedthat Gastronationalismshowsutmostexclusivenessinthisregardasittendstoforbidother individuals from making related food assertions materially or through symbolic representation. Gastronationalism further has been interesting to direct level of shared characteristics that distinguishesboundariesbetweeninsidersaswellasoutsiders.Meanwhile,associating environment as well as the objective setting with genuine products represents consideration to the materiality of gastronationalism. However, on the contrary to environmental as well as ecological discussions developed as nineteenth-century idealism that current environment as either a utopian ecstasy or an intimidating backwoods external to the bounds of human society. Furthermore, DeSoucey (2010) has noted that in anticipation of the beginning of industrialized foie gras production, it has been mainly considered as the chief role of elder female family members in to indulge in poultry activities in addition to other small animals for domestic costs. Gastronationalismthusisidentifiedasacriticalclaimsmakingmechanismmeantfor sociologists in order to take into consideration the concept of gastronomy with contemporary food culture. DeSoucey (2010) has claimed that as few scholars have the implication to understand such regulations as simply defensive towards material welfares, other studies have claimed that gastronationalism’s contentiousness tends to create a resource of cultural as well as national demarcation. Furthermore, even though concept of gastronomy remains as a politically embedded and influenced by markets, gastronationalism explains prototypes of and further assert for exceptionalism on the basis of ideas as well as perceptions reacted to cultural practices as well as patrimony (Counihan and Van Esterik 2012). Thus, gastronomy strategically aligns to the
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7SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING concerns of national distinctiveness to the nation of the homeland as a defender of edifying patrimony. Conclusion Hencetoconclude,Gastronationalismisidentifiedasavitalcriticalnotionfor sociologists. The Gastronationalism tends to exhibit as well as refracts social situations under which market-based recognitions tend to align to national boundaries as well as the public acknowledgment of disparity as well as the magnitude of society. Thus, its innumerable costs for consumers, interest associations, industries as well as policymakers remain highly observable.
8SOCIOLOGY-THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF FOOD AND EATING References DeSoucey,M.,2010.Gastronationalism:Foodtraditionsandauthenticitypoliticsinthe European Union.American Sociological Review,75(3), pp.432-455. Duruz, J., 2010. Floating food: Eating ‘Asia’in kitchens of the diaspora.Emotion, Space and Society, 3(1), pp.45-49. Fischler, C., 2011. Commensality, society and culture.Social Science Information,50(3-4), pp.528-548. Cohen,L.,2004.Aconsumers'republic:Thepoliticsofmassconsumptioninpostwar America.Journal of Consumer Research,31(1), pp.236-239. Ichijo, A. and Ranta, R., 2016.Food, national identity and nationalism: From everyday to global politics. Springer. Pollan,M.,2006.Theomnivore'sdilemma:Anaturalhistoryoffourmeals.Penguin. Counihan, C. and Van Esterik, P. eds., 2012.Food and culture: A reader. Routledge.