1UNDERSTANDING THE MIDDLE EAST Introduction The Middle East, in terms of geographical understanding, implies a collective set of intercontinental or transcontinental states which are inclusive of the Western region of Asia, coupled with Egypt and Turkey in entirety. The terms ‘the Middle East’ have also been associated with nations situated across the Central region of Asia as well those located to the North of Africa, namely, the Pakistan, Afghanistan, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Sudan, Maghreb, Djibouti and Somalia (Fawcett, 2016).However such seemingly clear and specific national borders, I believe the terms ‘the Middle East’ are contentious, controversial and non- inclusive in nature largely due to the fact that historical and political relationships across global strongholds as well as research, have largely ignored the nuanced, fluid and diverse cultural and linguistic borders of this region. This paper, thus aims to provide a brief yet detailed discussion my personal understanding of this highly diverse region and the need for nations to adopt a constructivist approach when dealing with the nations of this area. Discussion Currently, after reading the given learning materials I believe that the Middle East region is viewed by the world with a ‘Realist’ perspective. ‘Realism’ implies the practice of viewing a phenomenon in highly simplistic and truthful terms (Juneau et al., 2019). One of the key readings which demonstrate such a perception of the Middle East and specifically drew my attention and interest towards developing the urge to better understand the Middle East is the research by Culcasi (2010) which highlights some of the prominent, misguided perceptions the world has concerning this region. Indeed, whenever one thinks of the Middle East, globally adverse issues like terrorism and regional strife emerge. Such perceptions have emerged largely as a result of incidents like 9/11 following which, Western countries like the United States, via widespread media channels have continued to project this region as a threat
2UNDERSTANDING THE MIDDLE EAST to other international countries in the world. Not only does demonstrate a highly streamlined perception of a region brimming with cultural and religious diversity, but it also paves the way for global strongholds (like the United States) to feel the need to exercise their control over the Middle East (Yesilyurt, 2017). Additionally,Ialsobelievethatwithcurrenttrendsandemphasistowards globalisation and multiculturalism, the Middle East has been viewed internationally with a ‘Neoliberalism’ perspective. Neoliberalism largely compels individuals and organisations to view the viability of a region or nation in terms of price and trade decentralisation as well as liberating the economic constructs of a country from a state (Tansel, 2019). Viewing the Middle East with such a perspective, I believe, has largely compelled countries to ignore the various ethnic, cultural and religious minorities in the region. Indeed, taking historical examples of Western collaboration such as Europe and United States with the Ottoman Empire and the mandate system established by the League of the Nations, the Middle East, is generally perceived to comprise of majority and economically profitable countries like Egypt, Turkey, Syria and Iraq. Such perceptions have resulted in minority ethnic, religious and linguistic communities prevalent across the Gulf or Arabian Peninsula to be overlooked (Romanowski, 2017). As rightly evidenced by Gordon and Oxnevad (2016) one must view the Middle East with a Constructivist approach – which relies on the idea that perception and knowledge are reliant on unique personal experiences. Thus, with respect to the same, I believe that countries must move beyond the perception that the Middle East is primarily and Arabic and dominantly Muslim region. Viewing the region with a constructivist lens will assist nations to collaborate harmoniously with majority and minority communities in the region and thus pave the way for peace (Ide, 2016).
3UNDERSTANDING THE MIDDLE EAST Conclusion Thus, this paper successfully demonstrates an elaborate and extensive discussion on my personal understanding of the Middle East and the reasons why this region continues to be viewed with scepticism and negativity by international bodies and specifically the Western world. Since traditional times, the Middle East has been viewed largely as comprising of a single or limited set of religions, ethnicities and ethnicities, which I believe, is a key contributor to the current political unrest in the region. To conclude, consideration of the ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities prevalent in the region along with adoption of a constructivist approach, would help international organizations and Western countries to better understand the cultural and political dynamics of this region.
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4UNDERSTANDING THE MIDDLE EAST References Culcasi,K.(2010).ConstructingandnaturalizingtheMiddleEast.Geographical Review,100(4), 583-597. Fawcett, L. (2016).International relations of the Middle East. Oxford University Press. Gordon, L. A., & Oxnevad, I. (2016).Middle East politics for the new millennium: A constructivist approach. Lexington Books. Ide, T. (2016). Toward a constructivist understanding of socio-environmental conflicts.Civil wars,18(1), 69-90. Juneau, T., Lobell, S. E., Ripsman, N. M., & Rubin, L. P. (2019). Neoclassical realism: Domestic politics, systemic pressures, and the impact on foreign policy since the Arab Spring. InRoutledge Handbook of International Relations in the Middle East(pp. 8- 22). Routledge. Romanowski, M. H. (2017). Neoliberalism and Western accreditation in the Middle East: A criticaldiscourseanalysisofEducationalLeadershipConstituentCouncil standards.JEA,55, 1. Tansel, C. B. (2019). Neoliberalism and the antagonisms of authoritarian resilience in the Middle East.South Atlantic Quarterly,118(2), 287-305. Yesilyurt, N. (2017). Explaining miscalculation and maladaptation in Turkish foreign policy towardstheMiddleEastduringtheArabuprisings:Aneoclassicalrealist perspective.All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace,6(2), 65-83.