This paper discusses the political state of Venezuela under Chavez, analyzing the impact of his policies on democracy, corruption, poverty, and human rights. It also examines the work of Steve Ellner on political and social diversity as well as democracy road to change in Venezuela.
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Running head: DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT1 Democracy and Development Name Institution
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DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT2 DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT Introduction This paper discusses the political state of Venezuela under Chavez.Hugo Chavez clinched the presidency of Venezuela in the year 1998. The three promises that Chavez gave to the people during the campaign period are: improve the state, to rewrite a new constitution, social exclusion, to combat poverty and eliminate poverty. After the election, it became evident that the constituent Assembly was just a weapon to be used in destroying all existing political institutions in the country and replace them with a system of government beholden to his wishes. Social inclusion and poverty remain as they were before, while the levels of corruption in the country increased (Haggard & Kaufman, 2018). The paper is in support that Chavez participated in crushing democracy in Venezuela. It is that Chavez was not a dictator, but he participated in crushing democracy in Venezuela. This is because during his term in the office, all the elections conducted in Venezuela were generally free and fair (Diamond, 2015). Chavez even conceded defeat in one of the referendum intended to consolidate his power. The regime of Maduro can be seen as a dictatorship because he brought many adverse changes in Venezuela such as the elimination of opposition, rigging of the election, and the killing of street protesters. Chavez crushed democracy in that during his 14 years in the office as the president of Venezuela, every institution of democracy such as the media, the opposition, and the court was destroyed, in an attempt of creating a one-party state (Maya & Lander, 2011).
DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT3 During his second term in office, Human Rights activists concluded that the erosion of human rights protections and the concentration of power had given the government the power to censor, intimidate, and arraign the Citizens who thwarted his political agenda or criticized his authority as the president (Legler & Tieku, 2010). The research reports which were published over the past decade also documented the large-scale censorship, the crushing of independence of the judiciary, the quashing of the opposition party as well as silencing and banishment of opponents, and also the imprisonments of the activists such as the Human rights activists. During this era, such excesses as well as abuses of power were vanishing in most of the countries that are found in South America. Venezuela as a country stood alone in its greatness of demagoguery (Forelle et.al, 2015). The authoritarianism also increased into the economy. Chavez failed to nationalize the oil industry. This is because of the rapid increase in the rate of corruption in the country. In the year 1999, Jose Vicente who was then the minister of Foreign Affairs in his speech admitted that corruption had already cost the country too much in social, spiritual, and economic term and that the new civic power and the new Judicial system will combine to fight corruption (Wintrobe, 2018). And that never happened. During the nine years of Chavez in power, a considerable amount of money of oil income entered the treasury of the nation. But the country failed to account for the exact number because of the poor transparency of the accounts (government accounts). There is also lack of transparency because the petroleum company of the country no longer presents to the people the financial results. In parallel, during the tenure of Chavez, the national debt of the country increased to 70 billion dollars. This large amount of money was not reflected in effective health or public works and education programs. In a country that ought to be one of the major exporters of agricultural products, Chavez changed farming into the profit-
DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT4 oriented business by controlling prices and subsidizing consumption and changed a large amount of agricultural land into the level of subsistence peasant farms. Because of this, the country became heavily dependent on food imports as well as experienced severe food shortage (Kornblith, 2013). During the ruling of Chavez, inequality in Venezuela decreased as compared to the past regime when he was not in power. This decrease was because of the money received from the oil. But, the research found out that inequality dropped in those countries such as Uruguay, Chile, and Brazil as compared to Venezuela because they had social democratic governments. And that the government robust democratic institutions and upheld open market economies. The countriesmentionedabove(Uruguay,Chile,andBrazil)despitehavinglimitedresource revenues, managed to lower equality and poverty that Venezuela under Chavez was unable to do so during his term. The three countries also built an institutional legacy that was capable of sustaining them through the near future. The approach used by Chavez in his ruling was condemned because of his instant spending without taking into consideration the long-term investments. For example, once there will be no flow of oil in the country, then the country will be left with nothing to depend on in the future. It will encounter broken institution and debt (Singer, 2018). Conclusion This paper clearly states that the record of Chavez shows a large gap between the promises which he gave to the people during his campaign and the reality on the ground. The first promise of ending corruption is not a reality because a lot of money that belongs to the people was misused in the process of furthering an anti-United State. The policies used by Chavez have increased the rate of corruption rather than fighting it. Lack of institutional checks
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DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT5 and concentration of power in the hands of Chavez have led to an absence of transparency and accountability in the government. The increased level of poverty, oppression of the Human rights activists, destruction of the political institution and high rate of corruption discussed in the paper cannot be won under the regime of Chavez as the president. These issues can only be minimized by the democratic government that is fully transparent and accountable to all the people. Steve Ellner’s Analysis The work of Steve Ellen on ‘political and social Diversity as well as Democracy Road to change’ examines the development that took place in Venezuela to describe the overall direction of the Chavista movement and government. Throughout the 13years of the Chavez as the president of Venezuela, Chavez as acted authoritatively to maintain the overall support of the general population.At some point,for example,he attackedhis associateparty for not supporting his presidential bid in the year 2000. He also attacked those who were against his ruling as the president more so leaders from the opposition side of the government. The work of Steve examines essential areas that have influenced internal pro-Chavista as well as current social groups of the past years. Examples of the essential areas include the tensions within the labor movements, the expropriations, and nationalizations as well as the consolidation of the movements,i.e.,(CCM)thecommunitycouncilmovements.Theexaminationofthe expropriations tries to find out the reason why Venezuela government’s embarked on such expensive undertaking even if it threatened to weaken all essential social programs as well as how they affected the strategies of the Charismas. The discussion of the three topics aimed at showing how conflicting and divergent interests and visions within Chavismo. The expropriation of large as well as medium-sized organizations has been the feature of the 4th and 5th stages of the presidency of Chavez (Ellner, 2013). The government used to control basic industry, for
DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT6 example, electricity, steel, as well as telecommunications by enacting law and regulations that control their performance. This transformation influenced different political current and social groups in different ways. For example, the compensation money paid by the government to the former owners of the organizations only add additional support to those who were rich and neglected the plea of middle class and the lower class in the society. These expropriations mainly support the working class such as the worker's movements. Through mass expropriations, Chavez and Chavista leadership have tried to retain equilibrium among the social sectors as well as the various political visions and outlooks that are in the movement. The government of Chavez recognized the importance of the working class as a major factor of revolutionary change. Steve Ellen also examines the actions of the opposition camp and the problems that the heterogeneity of the Chavista movement had cause for the governments.The responsiveness of the government of Chavez to the Chavista movement developed a policy of negotiations as well as concessions with influential economic groups. At the same time, the commitment of the government to democracy prevents suppression in response to disruptions of the economy. The dissimilarities in interest as well as groups visions’ within the movement of Chavista created internal tensions. For example, the leaders of UNT raised the banners of absolute security at the work place, workers’ control, as well as restoration initial system of payments. Therefore, the government responded to deficiencies by creating complex legal measures that intricate the difficulties and finally caused extensive expropriations.
DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT7 References Diamond, L. (2015). Facing up to the democratic recession.Journal of Democracy,26(1), 141- 155. fromhttp://journalofdemocracy.org/sites/default/files/Diamond-26-1_0.pdf Ellner,S.(2013).Socialandpoliticaldiversityandthedemocraticroadtochangein Venezuela.LatinAmericanPerspectives,40(3),63-82.from https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/23466005.pdf? casa_token=JwQfd3jYbOkAAAAA:fxb3JawISs5VZWm6DEkCZwqHz06ifBCQ9cVve OOf6cWWrULr9QoGveCGtdrDht9Vo76CbwKRO4zsGQomSp7n5paiZTXuTzW9q6W OtkWizAHqyjU4Yyjm Forelle, M., Howard, P., Monroy-Hernández, A., & Savage, S. (2015). Political bots and the manipulation of public opinion in Venezuela.arXiv preprint arXiv:1507.07109. from https://arxiv.org/ftp/arxiv/papers/1507/1507.07109.pdf Haggard, S., & Kaufman, R. R. (2018). Response to Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo’s review of Dictators and Democrats: Masses, Elites, and Regime Change.Perspectives on Politics,16(4), 1107-1107. fromhttps://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/perspectives- on-politics/article/response-to-michael-albertus-and-victor-menaldos-review-of-dictators- and-democrats-masses-elites-and-regime-change/ A41D6CDA0F33789148EE5AFA71F045DC
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DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT8 Kornblith, M. (2013). Chavismo after Chávez?.Journal of Democracy,24(3), 47-61. Legler, T., & Tieku, T. K. (2010). What difference can a path make? Regional democracy promotion regimes in the Americas and Africa.Democratization,17(3), 465-491. Maya, M. L., & Lander, L. E. (2011). Participatory democracy in Venezuela: Origins, ideas, and implementation.Venezuela’s Bolivarian Democracy: Participation, Politics, and Culture under Chávez, eds. David Smilde and Daniel Hellinger (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2011), 58-9. Singer, M. (2018). Delegating away democracy: How good representation and policy successes can undermine democratic legitimacy.Comparative Political Studies,51(13), 1754-1788. fromhttps://polisci.uconn.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/1645/2016/02/CPS-Consenting- to-autocracy.pdf Wintrobe, R. (2018). An economic theory of a hybrid (competitive authoritarian or illiberal) regime.Public Choice,177(3-4), 217-233.