Linking Social Theories to the Egypt Movement: A Detailed Analysis

This essay examines the 2011 Egypt Uprising through the lens of four prominent social theories: Symbolic Interactionism, Political Process Theory, Marxism to New Social Movement Theory, and Identity Theory. It discusses how the Symbolic Interactionist approach explains the collective behavior influenced by the Arab Spring, particularly the Tunisian Revolution. The Political Process Theory elucidates how political opportunities were seized during the uprising, leading to the ousting of President Hosni Mubarak, while also highlighting the subsequent failure to utilize these opportunities effectively. The essay contrasts Marxism with the New Social Movement Theory, emphasizing the shift from class-based struggles to movements driven by social and political change, and examines the role of new media in the Egypt Uprising. Finally, it explores how Identity Theory relates to the construction of a clear opponent during the revolution but also the failure to establish a clear replacement, contributing to the challenges in realizing the movement's goals and establishing a stable democratic identity.

Running head: LINKING FOUR SOCIAL THEORIES TO EGYPT MOVEMENT
LINKING FOUR SOCIAL THEORIES TO EGYPT MOVEMENT
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LINKING FOUR SOCIAL THEORIES TO EGYPT MOVEMENT
The Symbolic Interactionist Approach to Collective Behavior
Symbolic Interactionist theory also shows interest in the sociological identity. It is
important to understand this theory first in order to applying it to collective behavior. Herbert
Blumer is credited with the development of this theory in the contemporary world. In Blumer’s
views, the symbolic interactionism has characteristics like human interaction, interpretation,
response in terms of meaning, use of symbols and understanding between stimulus and response.
Therefore, symbolic interactionism referred to the “peculiar and distinctive character of
interaction as it takes place between human beings”. Collective behavior on the other hand, is the
collective and common response of individuals influenced by an impulse. Robert E. Park who
had used the term for the first time states that members in crowds or other types of collective
behaviors share an outlook or act similar because of the presence of a “distinctive group
process”. The symbolic interactionist approach helps in understanding this collective behavior
more lucidly. The spread of a rumor or a revolution are the best examples of collective behavior.
The individuals interpret meanings conveyed by people in their own ways and spread it for their
own benefit.
The Egypt Uprising is a fine example of collective behavior as it started from the
observation of movements in other Arab nations. The Arab Spring that refers to the numerous
uprising in the Arab nations during 2010 and 2011 demonstrates the way humans were
collectively influenced by the behaviors of others. The Tunisian Revolution of December 2010
marked the beginning of the Arab Spring. The ripples of the revolution were felt in five other
countries including Egypt, Syria, Libya, Yemen and Bahrain. These uprisings had either resulted
in the ousting of the regime or caused mass destruction of life and property but in either case,
have forced changes. The Egypt Uprising took place just a month after the Tunisian Revolution

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and the result of the uprising was also similar to Tunisia. It is interesting to note that although
Hosni Mubarak was in power for more than three decades, it required the citizens to receive
inspiration from a revolution of another country. The symbolic interactionism in this case was
the courage shown by the common people in Tunisia that made the Egyptians believe that they
too could cause such a change. From the perspective of Blumer’s theory, Egypt not just reacted
to the Tunisian Revolution but interpreted it in order to start an uprising (Blumer, 1951). Further,
they made the Tahrir Square as the symbol of the uprising and the social media played a huge
part in it. The human interaction in this case was at its peak in both virtual reality and reality.
However, the interpretation and response to the Tunisian uprising by the Egyptians could not
truly base itself on meaning, which resulted in a second uprising in 2013. The movement in
Tunisia provided a stimulus to Egyptians but the utilization of that stimulus or motivation was
not up to the mark. Therefore, all the five mechanisms of Blumer did not work together but at
different times during the Egypt uprising.
The Political Process Theory
The political process theory also known as the political opportunity theory refers to the
approach of social movements influenced greatly by political sociology. Doug McAdam along
with David Meyer Peter Eisinger and Sydney Tarrow are considered the pioneers of this theory.
As per this theory, the failure or success of social movements depends on the political
opportunities grabbed by the parities in question (McAdam, 1982). The political opportunity is
one of the most vital components of this theory. When an existing political system shows signs
of vulnerability, it rather offers an opportunity to others. Members of a movement striving to
bring a social change grab this opportunity. The Egypt Movement of 2011 provides the best
example of political process theory and the way members grabbed the political opportunity.

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The movement began in January 2011 with the citizens demonstrating protests against the
ruling government and its failure to address issues such as political repression, poverty and
corruption. The uprising led to the dethroning of President Hosni Mubarak, one of the region’s
most influential leaders. The Arab Spring that began in December 2010, refers to the numerous
uprisings witnessed in many Arab led to the Egypt uprising as well. The Egypt movement was
focused on domestic issues like government oppression and poverty but many viewed this as an
opportunity to affect the country’s policies. The Mubarak Government was under the fear that
the movement could weaken the foreign policies embraced by the leaders so dearly. Mubarak
was adamant to crush the protest hence and tried with all his power to suppress it. Critics of
Mubarak found an ideal opportunity to overthrow the government, which resulted in the spread
of the movement to majority parts of the country. The Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt found an
ideal opportunity to oust the incompetent government and hence it joined the movement on
January 30. It joined the opposition groups and elected Mohammad el Baradei as the leader of an
interim government. After Mubarak finally resigned and the movement ended, Mohammad
Morsi from the Brotherhood was elected as the new president of the country.
However, the Morsi regime failed to utilize the political opportunities provided by the
Egypt Revolution and in 2013 another movement started to overthrow Morsi. It is therefore
evident that the key players involved in the movement failed to utilize it properly. Abundant
political opportunities were there in the movement that could have helped shape the country’s
future but the opportunities were utilized for personal fulfillments only. The existing political
structure in the country reflects the repercussions of the 2011 uprising as the introduction of a
semi-presidential system of government was introduced after the uprising. After Mohammad
Morsi was elected in the first ever fair and free presidential elections in 2012, it was expected

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that the new regime would not repeat the mistakes of the older one but it did. In 2013, after much
dissatisfaction from both the people and the opposition parties, Mohammad Morsi was removed
and General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi appointed himself as the president.
Marxism to New Social Movement Theory
Social movements can easily be categorized into new and old based on the nature and
cause of the movement. Previously, Marxism was the most relevant theory of social movement
that demonstrated the struggle between the working class and the bourgeoisie. The theories of
Karl Marx were effective in explaining the problems with capitalism and the need for
communism. In today’s world however, neither the working class of Marx nor the socialist
theories have any relevance owing to the varying nature of the movements. In recent decades,
there have been bulk of uprisings but hardly any had to do with the working class or any socialist
issue.
The new social movements are characterized by their collective nature that makes them
remarkably different from the conventional social movements. Sociologists utilize this new
social movement theory to evaluate the functioning of the new social movements in the
contemporary society. The new social movements are based on the purpose of structural change
in either social and political or economic relationships. As opposed to the old social movements
especially Marxism, new social movements do not delve in violence to bring a change.
According to the Marxist theory of social movement, every social change movement reflects the
fundamental struggle between classes organized mainly around economic production. Habermas
(1982) provided a better interpretation of the new social movements calling these as “protests
against the excessive size and rationality of the state and its bureaucracies and their intrusion into

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the private worlds of individuals”. The Egypt Uprising of 2011 exemplifies the new social
movement theory. However, certain characteristics of the revolt like the aim to dethrone the
regime have certain touches of the old Marxist social movement perspective. It is but important
to note that the Egypt uprising is highly characteristic of the new social movement because it was
triggered by the new form of media.
The distinction between Marxist social movement theory and the new social movement
theory makes it easier for the readers to have a clear picture of the Egypt uprising. It allows the
readers to understand the changing paradigms of social movements along with the changing
nature of the revolts. The distinction between two theories can further be explained with the help
of the concept called the ‘lifeworld’ developed by Jurgen Habermas. Habermas stated that the
‘lifeworld’ somewhat the “background environment of competences, practices and attitudes
representable in terms of one’s cognitive horizons” (Habermas, 1981). The Egypt movement was
grounded on the purpose of establishing a new political and social system that would create a
real of “informal, culturally grounded understandings and mutual accommodations”. The main
concern of Habermas was the way this lifeworld was being rationalized and colonized by the
influential shrewdness of bureaucracies and market forces. The movement of Egypt thus seems
to address this colonization of the lifeworld. However, as it is evident from the 2013 uprising that
the 2011 movement failed to address the colonization of the lifeworld clearly. After the 2011
movement, the people had expected a political system that could deliver what the previous
regime vcould not but the expectations were not fulfilled.
Identity theory

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The Identity Theory of social sciences explains that behaviors within groups are
influenced by the “perceived group status differences”. In addition, it is also affected by the
stability and legitimacy of the differences as well as the perceived skill to shift from one group to
another. Several aspects like interpersonal-intergroup continuum, positive distinctiveness and
strategies like individual mobility, social creativity and social competition provide better insights
into the new social movements. When an individual observes that the group of which he is a part
of is permeable, he decides to move away and work towards achieving individual goals rather.
The theory also states that the individuals or groups engaged in achieving some goals depend on
constructing an ‘essential identity’. Individuals strive for a positive identity, a self-concept that
they want to achieve.
In the 2011 uprising in Egypt however, the involvement of individual actors was limited
as it was a mass protest against an individual’s decade long repressive regime. The movement
was against the repressive policies of the ruling government. Largely influenced by the Arab
Spring, the revolutionaries of the Egypt movement were clear in their views regarding their
opponent. In facilitating mobilization, it is very crucial to construct a clear opponent because it
decides the fate of the nation. The revolutionaries although had a clear opponent, they did not
have a clear replacement for the opponent. After Mubarak was forced to resign, the Muslim
Brotherhood leader Mohammad Mosri was elected as the president but it backfired. The people
failed to utilize the mass movement of this huge scale.
The above-mentioned problem is at the core of the issue of challenged identity of the
movement. The Egypt movement of 2011 was started in order to ensure overall fulfillment of
needs, end of corruption and political repression. However, it failed to yield desired results.
Another challenge in the way of realizing Egypt movement’s identity is the failure to recognize

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the importance of the global phenomenon of democracy. Chantal Mouffe argues that radical and
plural democracy must aim for creating an identity that is created through the formation of new
identities “in terms of radical democratic citizens” (Mouffe, 1984). The movement that spurred
in Egypt did aim at creating new political identities but it failed to take into account the global
radical nature of democracy. With the establishment of a government where the president still
had bulk of the powers, the movement did not attempt to create a new political identity.
The post-structuralist approaches can be defined as the system that claims that human
culture might be understood in terms of a structure. This structure differs from absolute reality
and even from abstract ideas. Post-structuralism argues that culture and history both are subject
to unfairness because both form the learning of fundamental structures. When applied to the
problem of Egypt, post-structuralist approach explains a lot about its nature. It provides a clearer
view about the reasons behind the uprising and the causes for its failure. The Egyptians followed
a structured culture and then with the introduction of new technology like the media and the
social media, they realized the shallowness of the structured system and came out of it.

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References:
Blumer, H. (1951). ‘Social Movements’. In Principles of Sociology. New York: Barnes &
Nobles, pp.99-120.
Habermas, J. (1981). ‘New Social Movements’. Telos, pp.33-37.
McAdam, D. (1982). Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, p.Chapter 3.
Mouffe, C. (1984). ‘Towards a Theoretical Interpretation of New Social Movements’. Berlin:
Argument-Verlag, pp.139-143.