Analyzing Ethics and Immigration in Modern International Politics

This essay critically examines the ethical dimensions of immigration within the context of international politics. It explores the complexities of cultural integration, distinguishing between migration and immigration, and analyzing the ethical implications of immigration restrictions through the lens of liberalism, positive and negative liberty. The essay delves into Utilitarian arguments for open borders, the concept of "Thymos" by Charles Taylor, and Georg Simmel's analysis of "The Stranger" to conceptualize the nature of migrants, including asylum seekers. The paper argues that immigration limitations violate negative liberty, emphasizing the importance of individual freedoms and the challenges faced by strangers in integrating into new societies. The essay also considers the impact of globalization and modern democracies on immigration, and concludes by exploring how visual representations of refugees shape public perception and policy.

Introduction:
According to current international politics, this article examines whether countries can peacefully absorb
migrants and if cultural distinctions can be accepted or imposed by a dominating culture. It is the
purpose of this article to critically examine the moral-philosophical roots of ethics in the study of
modern international politics. Ethics ideas now employed in International Relations will be used in this
article, as well as current issues in the globe. In addition, this article will clarify the differences between
migration and immigration and demonstrate how the word "migration" is used incorrectly in this
context. In order to make the case that immigration limitations violate negative liberty, this paper will
define liberalism, positive liberty, and negative liberty.
Immigration issues:
In order to demonstrate the relevance of the majority culture to the migrants and to use the ethics now
utilized in International Relations to analyze and address the migration problem, the argument for
immigration limitations is used. In addition, this article will examine the Utilitarian case for open borders
and demonstrate that creating barriers to prevent migrants from entering leads to inefficiency. Charles
Taylor's "Thymos," on the other hand, will be scrutinized in this article in light of today's statistics and
liberal views.
To further conceptualize the nature of migrants, Georg Simmel's article "The Stranger" will be analyzed
and the results in this essay. There will be no omission of asylum seeker in this essay since it is critical to
Bleiker's part, which is why the term "stranger" rather than "migrant" or "immigrant" will be used after
the "definition paragraph." This will be obvious all across the essay.
The process of a person relocating from one state to another may be used as a way to define
immigration (Bertram 2015). Only if one's presence in the new nation is indefinite may one be
considered an immigrant (Bertram 2015). As a result of the brief duration of their stays, tourists and
students studying abroad do not qualify as legal immigrants (Bertram 2015). People who are just in town
for a short time might be considered migrants, but civilizations do not have to assimilate them since
their trips are brief (Bertram 2015). This article will thus focus on how cultures integrate immigrants
rather than migrants themselves
Georg Simmel, on the other hand, argues that immigrants are seen as outsiders (Bertram 2015).
Migrants and immigrants are referred to as "strangers" throughout this article, and another reason for
using the word "stranger" rather than a foreigner in this essay is to emphasize the difficulty strangers
have integrating into society (Bertram 2015).
It's important to remember that immigration is theoretically compelling precisely because it stands in
opposition to the claims of a state entity versus the individual fundamental freedoms and "outsiders"
(Bertram 2015). A state's right to set immigration limits cannot be upheld without acknowledging the
liberal rights of strangers, such as the freedom of movement that allows individuals to go from one
nation to the other (Bertram 2015).
People also value the freedom to cross political borders, which might be said to be important (Bertram
2015). Three of the most frequent reasons individuals leave their native country are to move with a
spouse, to pursue a lucrative business opportunity, or to flee political persecution (Bertram 2015).

It's also important to note that liberalism advocates for the safeguarding of fundamental rights such as
freedom of speech and expression, freedom of expression, and freedom of organization. These
initiatives are supported by all democrats, regardless of any differences in ideology. Beyond the
initiatives, liberals agree on the framework of the explanation for the policy. (Freiman and Hidalgo 2007)
There is a greater burden of proof on those who would limit freedom than those who would enjoy it
(Freiman and Hidalgo 2007). Benn says, "The burden of proof is with the one who interfered, not the
one who involved with" (Freiman and Hidalgo 2007).
Positive and negative liberty are the two moral precepts of liberalism (Freiman and Hidalgo 2007).
Negative liberty, on the other hand, refers to the right of the government or a governing entity to avoid
interfering with one's sense of the good (Freiman and Hidalgo 2007).
In spite of the apparent danger to public safety and state global security presented by radical jihadists,
this article will argue that immigration limits violate negative liberty, which implies that it includes
coercive meddling (Freiman and Hidalgo 2007).
Consequently, liberals may claim that the burden of evidence falls with the limitations of liberal liberties
(Freiman and Hidalgo 2007). It is crucial to look at the utility situation since it connects with the
distinctions between persons. However, Rawls believes that each individual is entitled to the "maximum
total system of fundamental freedoms matched with a comparable system of liberty for all" (Freiman
and Hidalgo 2007).
Using Utilitarianism as an example, the argument for open borders is that open borders force each state
to look at the foreigners as a whole in unacceptable outcomes (Freiman and Hidalgo 2007).
Furthermore, it maintains a global political system in which affluent and powerful governments have
little motivation to share their money with the world's poor or use their political strength to prevent
tyrants from tyrannising their citizens (Freiman and Hidalgo 2007).
By constructing boundaries, nations fear that it may lead to inefficiencies, according to Wellman
(Wellman 2011). The stranger is therefore prevented from realizing their full potential because of a
barrier preventing them from crossing over into the new political border (Wellman 2011). As a result,
Wellman argues that banning strangers from the household labor market is comparable to segregating
males from women in the workplace (Wellman 2011).
Nevertheless, Thymos, a moral-philosophical stance articulated in two modules by Charles Taylor, is an
expression of such position (Fukuyama 2019). Megalothymia, or the desire to be seen as better than
others, is the first (Fukuyama 2019). Because of this conviction in the inherent superiority of a select
group of people (such as aristocrats and royals), society's pre-electoral democracy was built on a system
of hierarchies and a caste system (Fukuyama 2019).
Despite this, the problem with megalothymia is that significantly more people are perceived as inferior,
and hence do not get the acknowledgment they deserve as human beings (Fukuyama 2019). Taylor says
that when a person is insulted, they feel greater resentment (Fukuyama 2019). However, "isothymia,"
an emotion that is just as strong, drives individuals to want to be treated on an equal footing with
everyone else (Fukuyama 2019).
Isothymia's ascent over megalothymia is cited as the tale of contemporary democracy's growth;
civilizations that respect the rights of a little group are granted against those that regard every other one

as a deep-rooted equal (Fukuyama 2019). Free societies do not guarantee economic or social equality
based on legal equality (Fukuyama 2019). However, since globalization, inequality, and terrorism have
all become worse as a result of today's interconnected world, the issue of immigration has become
more salient (Fukuyama 2019). For example, the quantity of democracies with functioning elections
expanded from 35 in the 1970s to over 110 in the 2000s.
In the same time period, worldwide production of goods and services expanded fourfold, with
expansion occurring in all parts of the globe (Fukuyama 2019). In 1993, 42 percent of the world's
population was living in severe poverty; by 2008, that figure had fallen to 18 percent. As a result,
modern democracies have become more unequal as a result of economic development (Fukuyama
2019).
Market economies create enormous amounts of inequality, however, and discrimination against a wide
number of people continues to exist. We can't let go of our sense of ourselves in our societies. One of
the fundamental tenets of moral philosophy is identity (Fukuyama 2019). When the inner self of
individuals are not acknowledged, it suggests that the outward society may be suppressed and fake,
according to Thymos (Fukuyama 2019). In order to implement a dominating culture on strangers, it
would be impossible since Liberal democracy is founded on Liberalist beliefs; it would also be impossible
because it would lead to the loss of their dignity (Fukuyama 2019).
It is true that liberal democracies are based on libertarian principles, but Fukuyama argues that they
should not be abandoned in favor of a national identity that ignores both the de facto variety of liberal
democracies as well as contemporary people's conceptions of themselves and their surroundings
(Fukuyama 2019). Bleiker's graphic portrayals of refugees may be traced back to historical precedents.
From the Cold War to protectionist policies and subsequently to a focus on security, refugee
representation via visual methods has varied over time, according to Visual Global Politics (Bleiker
2018).
Since these changes, emigrants have become less accepted; they are no longer seen as courageous
individuals who stand up to injustice but as liabilities on the economy or security concerns (Bleiker
2018). Refugees are now seen as helpless individuals in desperate need of assistance (Bleiker 2018).
Refugees are more likely to be accepted when they are shown visually. Since its inception in 1951 as a
three-year stop gap measure, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has become an
everlasting measure in the global arena (Bleiker 2018).
Eight million World War II refugees were forced to flee their homes during the outbreak of the Cold
War, and this prompted the creation of the mandate (Bleiker 2018). Transnational assistance of refugees
and long-term solutions to refugee issues were made possible by this mandate, although it depends
greatly on the states' willingness to execute it. As a result, UNCHR places a high premium on securing
popular support in the West (Bleiker 2018).
Since its inception, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNCHR) has concentrated its
attention on Europe. Families and people from the "global North" were the center of the visual portrayal
(Bleiker 2018). As an example, there were photos of white women and Western-style clothing. The
portrayed hero had a distinct personality and a unique narrative to tell (Bleiker 2018). The UNCHR's
basic beliefs, which were European in origin, were mirrored in the visual portrayal (Bleiker 2018).

It was around this time when refugees were fleeing from countries opposed to Western principles, and
this pictorial portrayal showed hosts that immigrants were not to be frightened and could fit in with
local cultures (Bleiker 2018). Events that took place outside of Europe in the 1960s, about 10 years after
the UNCHR was established, put the convention's time and geographic boundaries under pressure
(Bleiker 2018). As an example, the Third World's battle for independence during this time period caused
a large number of people fleeing their homes (Bleiker 2018). As a consequence, the 1967 Protocol's
ultimatum on refugees was issued, and the issue became a worldwide one (Bleiker 2018).
It was therefore no longer white and heroic, but a conflicting figure—a victim and poverty-stricken
refugee identity arose in the visual portrayal of the refugee (Bleiker 2018). Although it is true that
following the 9/11 terrorist strikes, the identities of strangers have been added to the terrorist figure
(Bleiker 2018). Terrorists might hide out among the influx of migrants (Bleiker 2018). Furthermore,
portraying immigrants as impoverished raises questions about their true objectives, undermining the
validity of refugee claims (Bleiker 2018).
A "stranger," however, is characterized as someone who is both close and distant in Georg Simmel's
article, The Stranger: "he is not the wanderer who arrives today and departs tomorrow but rather the
person who comes today and remains tomorrow" (The Stranger) (Simmel 1964).
He shows that the outsider is both a member of and a stranger in the culture he has been immersed in
throughout his article (Simmel 1964). Using Simmel's work as a guide, modern society contains
strangers. They may be classified as migrants, immigrants, or refugees, but they are nonetheless seen as
distinct from the rest of the population in this country (Simmel 1964). Strangers do not have to move in
the modern day since they are born and reared in the host country as second-generation citizens with
the same citizenship and language, hence the social divide persists. However (Thiel and Seiberth 2017).
They are referred to as German Turks, Swedish Somalis, British Indians, or German Turks. Many polls
categorize individuals based on their ethnicity, race, or cultural background. Many of these studies
classify as non-natives those whose parents had no history of migration (Thiel and Seiberth 2017).
Even now, the distinct perspectives of outsiders and residents are carried. A dominant culture may be
implemented, but the outsiders will still be seen as foreigners. Integration becomes problematic if
cultural distinctions between the foreigner and the local aren't acknowledged (Thiel and Seiberth 2017).
Strangers from the global South cannot assimilate into the host community since they do not share a
comparable culture. There is a great deal of variation in "otherness" because of the differences in the
attitudes and behavior of a foreigner to the culture of its host country (Thiel and Seiberth 2017).
The nation-state conception of culture is tightly linked. Defining individuals who did not share a common
national culture as foreigners helped the nation-state to solidify its cohesiveness and establish its
identity by focusing on the "national culture" during its formative years. The nation-definition state's of
culture serves as a means of "othering" minorities (Thiel and Seiberth 2017). However, the present
world is characterized by its globalization and migration movement, which makes this notion difficult to
apply (Thiel and Seiberth 2017).
When it comes to the notion of the nation-state, homogeneity is the exception rather than the standard
nowadays. Strangers don't follow one set of rules (Thiel and Seiberth 2017). Germany has a strong sense
of belonging to the country, even if its inhabitants come from a foreign country and don't have a

German Passport (Thiel and Seiberth 2017). No one's ethical or moral principles are shaped by their
ancestral nation of origin, even if that country is significant to their identity (Thiel and Seiberth 2017).
It has been shown that society may either peacefully accept outsiders and respect variations among
individuals or impose a dominant culture in this article. By studying Bleiker's Visual Global Politics and
analyzing how refugees were perceived from the beginning of UNCHR mandate to present times,
notably after 9/11, this thesis has analyzed whether society can assimilate strangers peacefully.
Furthermore, this article has examined whether distinctions between individuals should be recognized
and concluded that identifying people's differences leads to their demise as members of society.
Individuals's rights and identities have been examined in this article to see whether a dominant culture
can be imposed, and it has been proposed that this is impossible without denying people their identity
and dignity. The word migration, however, is incorrectly used in this text since migrants do not need to
assimilate because they are not going to remain. It has also been claimed that immigration limits violate
negative liberty by using coercive intervention.
This has been linked to the employment of this theory in an ethical approach to assessing and
addressing modern real-world issues. The case for open borders from Utilitarianism has also been
examined, as well as Charles Taylor's Thymos, while Georg Simmel's The Stranger has been evaluated in
this article.
Conclusion:
This article stated that identity politics and liberal values make it impossible to accept and enforce a
dominant culture's distinctions. Strangers may assimilate, but not to the standards of locals, since
second-generation immigrants are regarded to be natives in this article.
References:
Wishnie, M.J., 2003. State and local police enforcement of immigration laws. U. Pa. J. Const. L., 6,
p.1084.
Alaggia, R., Regehr, C. and Rishchynski, G., 2009. Intimate partner violence and immigration laws in
Canada: How far have we come?. International journal of law and psychiatry, 32(6), pp.335-341.