Academic Review of the Political Economy of the African State

This academic review critically examines the political economy of the African state, focusing on the article "(Re) Conceptualizing the Political Economy of the African State Form: The Strong/Weak State Contradiction in Angola" by Solli and Leysens. It delves into the complexities of defining the African state, contrasting neo-Weberian and historicist approaches to state formation. The review analyzes the interplay between state and civil society, explores the concept of the "rentier state," and discusses the influence of institutions like Sonangol in Angola. It highlights the challenges in applying Western-centric models to African contexts, emphasizing the need for context-specific analysis and the importance of understanding power dynamics within the Angolan state. The review concludes by advocating for a nuanced approach to studying African states, considering their unique developmental trajectories and the need for self-determined growth models.

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Introduction
It is not easy to define the concept of the ‘African State’ from among the many as well as
diverse concepts of the state. However while positioning the definition on the conceptualization
of the state as typically perceived in political science studies, an elucidation of the “Africaness’
of the African state is also required (Garcia 2014). The African state according to author is
regarded as an unusual suspect and thus has been castigated by mainstream investigation as
‘unconstructive’ or ‘failed’. These ideas derived its logic while comparing to an ideal typical
‘strong’ state based on the European historical experience of state-building. While focusing on
the theoretical conceptualization of the African state, the primary focus has been based on the
association between state and civil society. Baylis, Smith and Owens (2017) have pointed out
that in the process of re-organizing state-society relations whereby the state is an organization
within the society, it has been identified from the myriad of other organizations within the
society in addressing frequency and intending to institute binding rules concerning activities of
other organizations. The following paper aimed for students and scholars engaged to the field of
Political science will argue on the underlying principles of political economy of the African
State development in the article entitled “(Re) Conceptualizing the Political Economy of the
African State Form: The Strong/Weak State Contradiction in Angola” by Solli and Leysens. In
addition to this, the paper will relate political challenges in the African state to the ideas
expressed in the article.
Discussion
Solli and Leysens (2011) have noted that in the field of investigation of African State,
comprehensive evaluation of the African state initiated at the beginning of the 1980’s. The
background to the materialization of the theory of the African state in the early phase of 1980’s

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was primarily based on the new trend investigation into African politics. Furthermore, Corkin
(2016) has witnessed between the financial institutions along with the various African
governments related to the role of the state in economic expansion. The article by Solli and
Leysens (2011) showed its engagement with the issue of theorizing the African state formation
and distinguishes two broad approaches namely neoWeberian and historicist that is used to
emphasize on the issue of African state formation. It is important to note the way the article has
made significant usage of proposed combination of Cox and Mamdani in order to make certain
exploratory observations on the political economy of the Angolan state (Solli and Leysens 2011).
Baylis, Smith and Owens (2017) have identified the neo-Weberian approach as ‘mainstream’ and
constitute a stagnant understanding of the state concept based on the Weberian ideal type of state
as it evolved in Europe. Furthermore, the historicist advancement of Neo-Weberian approach
relied greatly on critique constituting of a fluid understanding of the ideas concerning African
state formation with significant importance on the ideational aspect of power.
At this juncture, Guimarães (2016) has emphasized on the ideal-type method
implemented in the process of conceptualization of the African state which arguably has been
observed to draw its origin from the ideas of Max Weber. However such an association has been
typically implicit and has been consequential to the understanding of issues and crisis related to
Africa. These issues concerning the formation of state has led the nation to be singled out for
exhibiting signs of weak, unconstructive, predatory and collapsed conditions of the state.
Meanwhile, with the chaos related to weak state condition, Corkin (2016) have observed certain
forms of conceptualization of power. Furthermore, a vital aspect of the Neo-Weberian has drawn
its relevance from Weberian concept with a focus on the internal empirical principle of
statehood. In such a scenario, ideas of Solli and Leysens (2011) has offered constructive

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synchronic scenario of the state regarded as static in the dimension of space. Meanwhile, the
rational or ahistorical construct of the ideal type along with its characteristics fundamentally
based on notions that the difference between reality and ideal type in order to comprehend
underlying assumptions of reality (Ferguson 2014). However Behuria, Buur and Gray (2017)
have noted that the neo-Weberian approach in understanding the state in Africa tends to diverge
in certain ways from a ‘pure` application of Weberian’s approach. At this juncture, Corkin
(2016) have stated that the pessimistic theories of the state related to the anarchical state,
criminal state and the disorder state have been argued during the 1990’s. Croese (2017) has
reported that a situation of anarchy which implies to the absence of no governments and politics
have been observed to emerge in the West African states. The criminal state however signified
state being primary actor of the criminal activity. While the theory of the ‘criminal state’ was not
initially suggested as the theory of the African state, many scholars have analysed the
criminalization of the state namely as a criminal state (Baylis, Smith and Owens 2017).
The ‘disorder state’ fundamentally implies that disorder has been developed as a political
instrument and thus does not imply any disorganization of the state. Adams and Steinmetz
(2015) have discussed that while disorder state exhibit incompetence in functioning rationally
and the way political instrumentalization of disorder has been exploited for political elites in
order to misappropriate the state, as the inefficiency of the state will be viewed as lucrative to
exploitative political elites. While according to Behuria, Buur and Gray (2017), political elites do
not use the term ‘disorder state’, they intend to investigate the political institutionalization of
disorder in African states. Furthermore, the theoretical assumptions of the criminal state as well
as the disorder state tend to reveal sense of frustration over the fact which institutionalized states
based on the Weberian model have not been set up in the African state (Croese 2017). As a

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result, these are recognized to cause continual impacts by Eurocentrism signify a kind of theory
concerning the retrograde states which are extensively cynical theories of the state. However,
Mamdani (2018) have stated that on the other hand, neo-Weberian evaluation of the Angolan
state further seeks areas of the relative state ‘strength’ specifically if individuals approve the
point that one of the features of a strong state is military force. Angola as a state can undoubtedly
be considered as one of the most proficient militarized states on the continent that is a result of
the civil war as well as its former persistent unprofessed war with South Africa (Omeje 2016).
Furthermore, Hickey et al (2015) have witnessed certain limitations to the understanding of the
Angolan state formation while implementing such perspectives. However, while employing a
neo-Weberian standpoint in order to signify the shortcomings concerning the Angolan state,
authors have stated that a re-conceptualization was greatly necessitated. In addition to this,
Carmody and Kragelund (2016) have suggested that the state must be conceptualized as a vital
social actor which acts in accordance to the established social rules and norms. Thus, instead of
perceiving it as a significant abstract structure, it must be comprehended as a society comprising
individuals with varied characteristics. Drawing significance authors have argued that state
power in Angola does not imply as being isolated from society for those who exploit from it,
even if they do not belong from an insignificant minority who increasingly come to signify vital
economic as well as social forces (Geldenhuys 2015).
However, the reason underlying ideal type of neo-Weberian compels to comprehend the
Angolan state as a paradoxical or contradictory explanation. Thus, Mamdani (2018) has been
seeking these aspects of inadequacies along with the neo-Weberian approach relying on the
conjectures that the Angolan state must be conceptualized as well as historicized as an important
articulation of power balance between diverse local social forces and their interaction with actors

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at the world-order level. However, at this juncture, the origins of these power associations can be
observed to have its origin to the method in which Angola has been integrated into the world
economy following the emergence of the slave trade in the 1550s. However, Adams and
Steinmetz (2015) have stated that an important mapping of contemporary modern local social
forces have disclosed an exceptional place of the state of Oil Company that is Sonangol in the
political financial system of Angola. The Sonangol since its establishment in 1977 had been
integrated to the politics and clientilist linkages concerning the presidency and has further
retained its self-regulation as well as competence (Ferguson 2014). This has led Sonangol to
emerge as an island of capacity successfully thriving with the collapse of other Angolan
institutions. Furthermore, the locus of state power has been positioned in the interaction between
Sonangol along with an association of technocrats as well as advisors in the presidency. Futungo,
a group named after the presidential residence emerged as the de facto seat of power following to
the administration of MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertac¸a˜o de Angola) party and official
state organizations were strategically marginalized during the 1980s (Corkin 2016).
Sonangol has been identified to provide the material resources to advance the agenda of
the Futungo and further comprises a centre of power along with state bureaucracy. Carmody and
Kragelund (2016) have perceived it as a parallel state and further been signified as a parallel
government constituting the president along with a few trusted aides who have been accountable
to form all fundamental policy decisions with insignificant oversight from unconstructive
legislative branch. Geldenhuys (2015) is of the opinion that transnational oil companies such as
Futungo and the United States and China known as the largest importer constitute collective
vested interest in stability and the continuance of the mode of production. The mode of
production further comprises subsistence, familiar and non-established enterprise labour whereby

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the majority of the populace involved show certain degree of peripheral inclination towards the
partnership between Angola’s state elites and the transnational oil agencies. Adams and
Steinmetz (2015) at this juncture have accentuated the alliance between Angola’s nominally
weak state and foreign non-state actors. This, for example engages some significant oil agencies
assuming responsibility to safeguard as well as protect their economic cooperatives during the
civil war.
Meanwhile, Mamdani (2018) has shed light on the debates concerning the ‘rent state’ or
the ‘rentier state’ which have also been developed. Geldenhuys (2015) has analysed the rentier
economic state and suggested four vital characteristics, firstly there can be identified no
significant element related to pure rentier economy, secondly a rentier economy is primarily
dependent on extensive external rent, thirdly only some are involved in the generation of the rent
and lastly the fourth characteristic stated that the government is identified as the principle of the
rentier state. However, the underlying principle of these four characteristics have claimed that
the reallocation of oil rents will be incompetent to offer greater degree of democracy in the
rentier state but in reality will reduce it (Ferguson 2014). Furthermore, Fraenkel (2017) has noted
that majority of analysts focusing on Angolan’s political economy typically pursue the Neo-
Weberian intellect. Furthermore, these analysts have been conceptualizing the Angolan state as
highly unconstructive and weak and thus upgrade the state to a classic rentier state characterized
by wide gulf between the regime and the wider populace.
Conclusion
Hence to conclude, theorizing a continuum emerges from the African strong state at one
hand and as a weak state from the other. Thus, the process of theorizing the African state tends to
become as an exercise in focusing on the shortfalls and potentials of states. Africa as a result,

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must be studied in relation to the requisites and potentials for its own self-centred growth. Thus
accurate definitions as well as models of the state conceptualization must be developed rather
than focusing on a universal model of political evolution. The paper concludes with a need of
strong directionality that offers to the development of Africa as a strong state and forms accurate
concepts for the evaluation of realism in African politics which must have strong divergence
from the Eurocentric perspective.

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References
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