Cultural Reflection Report: Analyzing a Workplace Cultural Exchange

This cultural reflection report details a hairdresser's experience with a client, a Pakistani woman from the Ismaili Muslim sect, and how this interaction challenged the hairdresser's preconceived notions about Muslim women. The report begins with an account of the price negotiation, which triggered the author's reflection on her own upbringing as the child of immigrants and the cultural practice of haggling. The subsequent conversation with the client, who shared her migration journey and religious beliefs, prompted the author to re-evaluate her understanding of Muslim women, which had been shaped by media portrayals and her own experiences with patriarchal cultures. The report explores themes of cultural perception, personal biases, and the impact of cultural exchange on understanding and compassion. The author reflects on her upbringing, recognizing the influence of her worldview and its effect on her interactions with others. The conclusion emphasizes the importance of challenging perceptions and embracing alternative cultural viewpoints. The report also includes references to academic sources that support the analysis.

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My experience
My Cultural exchange happened to me at work. I found this exchange very interesting and
informative. It challenged my perception of Islam women in society.
I work as a hairdresser at my home salon, and I come into contact with people daily. A few days
back, I got a call from a lady who wanted a quote for her hair colour. But, I could not provide her
a firm quote because I had not seen the thickness of her hair. So, I suggested her that if she texts
me a picture of her hair, I would be able to give her a quote. After some time, she sent me the
picture, and I quoted the price. But she thought my price was too high and wanted me to lower it
down. I offered her to take a free second service as she was my first-time client but that did not
appeal her. So I felt a bit irritated as I was busy with a client and was being interrupted in
between my work. I offered her a $10 discount if she agrees to come in 30 minutes. She agreed,
but within few minutes, she again called back to inquire that if I use “Loreal” hair colour which
is one of the most expensive professional colours. I told her that I use Loreal, but that depends on
the type of hair. I realized that this person wants the best product at the lowest price. I was
feeling exasperated by the continuous calls.

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Analysis of the context
I started forming an opinion based on my past experiences with my migrant clients and my own
upbringing as the child of immigrants. It was a common procedure for negotiating a better price.
The culture made it a common practice in the product and service market. As a child, I observed
that my parents were haggling embarrassing especially when they tried it in places where
obviously fixed prices existed and the shop owners were not ethnic. As business owners, they too
were haggled later. It was “ritually performed and many times” (Heydemann, 2004, p 901), as
children, we could not understand why our parents would do the services at little more than cost
where they could have potentially worked less and realized greater profits with non-ethnic
clients. I always felt that once I was given a quote it was up to me to decide whether I was
willing to pay the price quoted or seek an alternative quote. I now understand that I could afford
that opinion because I was not the unskilled migrant with dependents and limited resources to
have to make ends meet. Also, as it was a culturally accepted way of life for my parents and
other immigrants and this made sense.

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Engagement with the learning resources
The lady who arrived was a Pakistani. As I coloured her hair, she told me her migration journey had
taken five months to be approved from commencement to arrival. She was on a South Australian
state-sponsored work visa and was required to reside in SA for two years. In Karachi, both she
and her husband were investment bankers. She was the mother of three daughters. She had lived
in Sydney. The family then returned to Pakistan because they wanted their daughters to do
further studies and make marriages within their own culture. She also explained they had not
been able to find employment and that the exchange rate from Pakistani rupees to Australia
dollars did not work in their favour. I immediately felt compassion and understanding that with
three dependants and two adults, without work income and money would be tight and yet she
was looking for work and wants to present with well-groomed and maintained hair. She had to
stretch her budget.
I expressed my surprise and her dress and hair which were not covered. She explained she was from
a minority Muslim sect, which I had not heard of, the Ismaili. In many places, they were
persecuted for their liberal beliefs. She explained that the Aga Khan is their “Imam or spiritual
leader” based in Paris and he has a direct linear discordance to the prophet Mohamed (Fernea,
1977, p 202). This sect of Islam valued “education and integration with the new communities” as
they settled in them (Mayer, 1991, p 490). The women were not required to wear the hijab as the
Ismaili believe that one follows intention with action so it is not necessary to cover up if your
intentions are pure why cover up? The hijab can cover up an impure intention, even though
wearing it can mean one is a respectable and honourable woman (Jiwani, 2010, p 253). This
revelation made me realize how narrow my worldview of a Muslim woman is, I had built a
picture based on what I knew via media not by directly speaking to one.
I realize I am highly sensitive to female oppression based on my world-view and experience of

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upbringing in the male patriarchal Italian culture which oppressed females and diminished their
worth, value and opportunities in favour of males only because of gender not capability. I
imagined the Muslim culture to be equally if not more severe towards it female population (Abu‐
Lughod, 2002, p 785). If a female wishes to dress anyways she wants to I rejoice with that but
that it is imposed on her so that she is of good character and reflects favourably for her male
relatives raises in my fear, no doubt residual from my upbringing where violence against women
was used to control and dominate women.

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Conclusion
This cultural exchange presented to me many ways to challenge my perceptions of others and also
to accept what I had found challenging growing up as the child of immigrants, the additional
alternative cultural world view and at times forced alienation from the main dominant culture, as
well as the generational challenges as part and course of life for the immigrants children, not just
me personally. Parents did their best with the world view they had under the circumstances they
lived in. I feel compassion for both the immigrant in that circumstance and their children but I
identify especially with their children, sometimes feel their wistful longing for not being trapped
between the two cultures and conflicts that arise because of the duty and obligation to parents
and family expectation and denial of autonomy and freedom of choice a seen as betrayal to
family, and repression of self-will become the solution. I didn't expect to feel so transported to
my upbringing, but I realize that is my world view and I can see how influential it is.

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References:
Abu‐Lughod, L., 2002. Do Muslim women really need saving? Anthropological reflections on
cultural relativism and its others. American anthropologist, 104(3), pp.783-790.
Fernea, E.W. and Bezirgan, B.Q. eds., 1977. Middle Eastern Muslim Women Speak. Austin:
University of Texas Press.
Heydemann, S., 2004. Networks of privilege in the Middle East: the politics of economic reform
revisited. Springer.
Jiwani, N. and Rail, G., 2010. Islam, hijab and young Shia Muslim Canadian women’s discursive
constructions of physical activity. Sociology of Sport Journal, 27(3), pp.251-267.
Mayer, A.E., 1991. Islam and human rights: Tradition and politics.