PhD Research Proposal: Young Muslims Identity Formation in Australia

This research proposal, submitted to the University of South Australia, investigates the multifaceted identity formation of young Muslims in Australia, with a particular emphasis on the dynamics of Shiite-Sunni relationships. It delves into the historical context of Islam in Australia, migration patterns, and the impact of events like the Arab Spring on Muslim communities. The study aims to explore how these relationships influence the experiences of Muslim youth attending Adelaide Islamic schools, their interactions with non-Muslims, and their academic performance. The proposal outlines the research questions, literature review, theoretical framework, and methodology, including participant selection and data analysis techniques, to provide a comprehensive understanding of the subject. The research further seeks to understand the impact of Shiite-Sunni relations on the academic performance of students in Islamic schools and how these relationships affect their interactions with youth from non-Muslim Australian schools.

Running head: YOUNG MUSLIMS IDENTITY FORMATION IN AUSTRALIA
SHI’ITE-SUNNI RELATIONSHIP, YOUNG MUSLIMS IDENTITY FORMATION, AND
MUSLIM AND NON-MUSLIM RELATIONSHIP IN AUSTRALIA
Hayder Al Hamdany
Research Proposal Presented as a requirement of PhD
candidature
The University of South Australia
School of Education
October 2017
Supervisors: Dr. Elspeth Mclnnes
Dr. Nahid Kabir

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Table of Contents
1.0 Introduction..............................................................................................................................3
1.1 History of Shia and Sunni sects in Islam...........................................................................3
1.2 Background of the Project..................................................................................................5
1.3 Aim and Research Questions..............................................................................................6
2.0 Literature Review....................................................................................................................7
2.1 History of Islam in Australia..............................................................................................7
2.2 Migration Waves of Muslims into Australia.....................................................................9
2.3 The Arab Spring................................................................................................................10
2.4 Muslim Census in Australia..............................................................................................11
2.5 Personal Identities of youth Muslims...............................................................................12
2.6 Islamic Schools...................................................................................................................14
3.0 Theoretical framework..........................................................................................................17
4.0 Method....................................................................................................................................18
4.1 Participants........................................................................................................................18
4.2 Materials.............................................................................................................................19
4.3 Data Analysis......................................................................................................................20
References.....................................................................................................................................21

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3YOUNG MUSLIMS IDENTITY FORMATION IN AUSTRALIA
Title- Shi’ite-Sunni Relationship, Young Muslims Identity formation, and
Muslim and Non-Muslim Relationship in Australia
1.0 Introduction
Amongst non-Muslims, the religion of Islam is generally considered to
be a homogenous ideology and culture. However, two major sub-groups exist
within Islam; Shi’ites and Sunnis (Minority Rights Group International 2009).
In Australia Islam is a minority religion constituting 2.6% of the population
numbering to 604,200 people (Abs.gov.au. (2016). The Sunni and Shia sects of
Islam in Australia have been co existing with further divisions along various
Madh’hab, which means the “different “schools of thoughts to interpret
Islamic laws”. There are other sects like Amadiyya and Ibadi. There exist
some conflicts in regards to interpretation of Islamic law in the various sects.
However, the significance of the study lies in the fact that such conflicts
must be reduced in sustainable and peaceful manner so that all creeds of
people can co-exist. Presently the new generation of Australian Muslims are
harmonious and the trend of any conflicts are reduced.
1.1 History of Shia and Sunni sects in Islam
Shiite is the second-largest Muslim community, historically known as
“Shiites Ali” (Prophet Mohammed’s cousin, son-in-law and de facto baby
brother, since Ali’s father, Abu Talib, had taken Prophet Mohammed to his
house as he became an orphan at the age of eight) or "Followers of Ali.".

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Shiites believe that Ali bin Abi Talib and eleven imams of his sons (from his
wife Fatima the daughter of Prophet Muhammad) are imams who must be
obeyed, since they are the main reference for Muslims after the death of the
Prophet. They call them “imams” or “caliphs” who should be followed by
others. Shiites refer to the hadeeth (Prophet Mohammed’s saying) of al-
Manzala, the hadeeth of al-Ghadeer, the hadeeth of the twelve Qur'aan
caliphs, and the hadeeth of al-Thaqleen, as evidence of their claim. The
Shiite majority are in Iran, Iraq, Azerbaijan, and Bahrain (Nasr 2006; BBC
News 2006). Shiite Muslims form 27-35% of the population in Lebanon, and
as per some estimates from 35% to over 35–40% of the population in Yemen
(International Religious Freedom Report 2010). They also constitute 30%–
35% of the Kuwaiti (International Religious Freedom Report 2012). Their
population exceeded 20% in Turkey (Shankland 2003). They also are in other
countries in the Middle east, for example Saudi Arabia and Egypt, however
no accurate estimate is available Accordingly, Shiite constitutes 36.3% of
entire local population and 38.6% of the local Muslim population of the
Middle East (National Geographic 2008).
On the other hand, Sunni Islam is the largest denomination of Islam. The
name Sunni was derived from the word Sunnah, referring to the ideal
behaviour of the Prophet Muhammad (Esposito 2014). On contemporary of
Shiites, Sunnis disagree over the choice of Muhammad's successor (El-Hibri
& Faruqi 2004). Of the total Muslim population, Sunni Muslims form 87-90%.
The largest community of these Sunnis Muslims who are located in the

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Middle East countries are in Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, with Sunnis
making up 90% or more of the population (Pew Research Center 2018; BBC
News 2010). To date, continuous conflict and poor relationships have existed
between these two Islamic sub-groups (Carpenter 2014; Dangers
1995,1996a, 1996b; Hiro 2013). This contemporary confrontation has an
important sectarian element. This poor relationship “can only be understood
by appreciating the links between domestic conflicts, transnational affinities,
and regional state ambitions. It is the weakening of Arab states, more than
sectarianism or the rise of Islamist ideologies, that has created the
battlefields of the new Middle East” (Gause, 2014 p 1) conflict. Basically, it is
the core of Islamic weakness and failure running from Lebanon through Syria
to Iraq that shows the ongoing salience of sectarianism. This will lead to
unstable political orders and policies. This in turn, will potentially cause
expanding of this conflict between on board Muslims (from the both sects,
Sunni and Shiite) conflict which creates possible impact on the broad context
these Muslims live in, for example Australia (Gause 2014).
1.2 Background of the Project
Muslims had started migrating in Australia during the first half of the 1800’s and during
the mid-half of the 19th Century considerable numbers of Muhammedans started living in
Australia. In the second half of the 19th Century Afghan Muslims had started settling in the
Australian mainland. Australia is a land covered by vast desserts, and hence the camels brought
by the Afghans were helpful. More Muslims with camels started to pour in in the 1860 to 1870s.
They settled in the Northern territory and a number of inter marriages took place which resulted

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in an increase of the Muslim population. There was a policy of allowing only white immigrants
blocked Muslims from the middle east and Asian region from entering the country during the
20th Century, however Muslims from European background still immigrated. During the latter
half of the 20th Century 10000 Turkish Muslims settled in Australia.
The entry of Muslims from various parts of the globe and from various cultural
backgrounds resulted in different sects of Islam being settled in Australia, the major of which
were the Shias and the Sunnis. The historical conflict between these two sects had been seen to
be continued in the Australian context as well (Khawaja & Khawaja, 2016). However, with
modernization, globalization, and liberalization the young Australian Muslims are endeavoring at
establishing better relationship among each other. There has been victimization and
discrimination of Muslim people by some radical Australians as well (Khawaja & Khawaja,
2016). There is a need to understand the nature of relationship the among the Muslims sects
and that exists between Muslims and non-Muslims in Australia.
The majority of the Australian people have been receptive and welcoming to the
immigrants and refugees. However, there have been incidents of intermittent racial
discrimination as well. The police have taken prompt action if any such incidents are reported.
The philosophical difference that has divided the Muslims world over into two groups, have been
cause of violent conflicts in many cases, however in Australia such circumstances have yet not
occurred. The modern educated young Australian Muslims are endeavoring in establishing
harmony. There are many unfound assumptions about non-Muslims about this community which
needs to be uprooted as well (Cleland, 2001).
I am an Australian Muslim male of Iraqi background. I am keen to understand the
changing dynamics of Shi'ites and Sunni Muslims in Australia. I am a student and I believe that

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the disputes between the two communities should be solved globally and both the communities
should work to restore the good relationship. As a student I am inclined to understand the level
of impact the relationship between these two communities have on the academic performance of
the students in the Islamic schools.
1.3 Aim and Research Questions
The aim of this study is to explore the experiences of Australian
Muslim youth attending Adelaide Islamic schools’, and the experiences of
Shi’ite-Sunni relationships in Australia, and how these relationships impact
their relationships with non-Muslim Australians. The aim also includes
researching the level of impact on the education and academic
performances in the Islamic schools, and how Shia and Sunni relationships
impact performance of these students. Adelaide has three Islamic schools,
including the most established Shi’ite school in Australia and all are
independent (not controlled by the AFIC). To achieve the research aim, the
following research questions will be asked:
1. To what extent and how does Muslim youth perceive that the Shiite-Sunni
relationship in Australia is reflected in the ways their schools engage with
non-Muslim Australian schools?
3. How does Shiite-Sunni relationships in Arab nations affect Muslim youth in
Australia with regards to Muslim identity inside and outside of the
classroom?

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4. How does Shiite-Sunni relationships in Arab nations affect Muslim youth in
Australia with regards to their relationships with youth from non-Muslim
Australian schools?
5. What are the differences in the experiences of Shiite-Sunni relationships of
Muslim students attending Islamic and non-Islamic schools?
2.0 Literature Review
The literature review of the research constitutes the study and analysis of existing
researches, materials, articles, journals, essays and studies related to the research topic taken
here. This will help in outlining a clear picture about what is the level of existing studies that has
been already conducted, and what are the gaps that are still needed to be studied and researched.
Various themes have been identified in order to analyse the subject and get better insights about
it. The themes are as follows, “background of Muslim culture in Australia, the history of
Muslims in Australia, the reasons for their immigration to Australia, Islamic schools and
mosques and their roles in building Muslim identity”.
2.1 History of Islam in Australia
In order to understand the contemporary Australian context, this
section provides a brief review of Australia’s exposure to Islamic culture. It
has been stated that hardly any Australians are familiar with the fact that
Indigenous Australians were interacting with Muslim foreigners from
Indonesia, prior to the arrival of Christian colonizers (Rogers 2014). The first
contact was between northern Aboriginal Tribes, Indonesian Muslim
fisherman on praus (an outrigger sailboat) from the flourishing trading city of
Makassar in search of trepang (sea cucumbers). Later, during European

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settlement, Muslims had their imprint. However, once European settlement
had expanded across the continent, trade between the Muslim fisherman of
Makassar and the Aboriginal tribes declined, until finally in the 1920s it
ceased to exist for some reason, for example new legislation introduced
about fishing in foreign waters (Cleland 2001). Islam continues to exercise an
attraction for some Aboriginal peoples today (Rogers 2014). Throughout the
period of British colonization, Muslims played a somewhat insignificant role.
Few immigrants were Muslims and most communities did not have a Muslim
population.
Huge difficulties and hardships due to isolation and racism were faced
by almost all the Afghani cameleers who came to Australia at this time.
Although their skills were needed, they were only highly appreciated by a
few, being mostly ignored by Europeans (Rogers, 2014). As the cameleers
became more established, many set up their own businesses and enterprises
that competed with European businesses and often resulted in ill-will and
sometimes open conflict. One of the most notable examples of this, was on
the Western Australian goldfields in the late 1890s. Years of simmering
tensions between Afghan cameleers and European bullock teamsters
escalated to the point where the cameleers were openly demonized in the
press and accused of various acts of aggression, including monopolizing and
befouling waterholes (McIntosh, 1996).
In some instances, European attitudes to the cameleers focused on their
religion. Further, as Afghanistan was the only British colonized country

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known to European settlers, that had resisted British occupation, unlike
countries such as British India, resisted the British forces. The perceived
Afghani pride and sense of independence and cheap laborers and they were
appointed in the public sector as well as by shepherds in rural sheep
stations, was an issue for some European settlers because this created a
competition between the two groups. This resulted in making the friction
even more serious between these groups. There were also deadly shooting
events between the two groups and this led to forming an anti-Afghan
league in the Western Australia. For example, one of Australia’s first
successful strikes was that of the cameleers on Beltana station (Akbarzadeh
& Saeed, 2001; Elliott 2016).
In Australia the Immigration Regulation Act 1901 was legislated in
order to exclude the immigration of non-Europeans and stop their entry into
Australia (Kabir 2005). The immigration officers were given authority to a
large extent to decide on the allowance to let people enter into Australia.
Because of this act the Afghan and Asian Muslims were barred from entering
the country.
2.2 Migration Waves of Muslims into Australia
The migration of Muslims started in Australia in very early ages, perceived to be as early
as the European settlements, and some of the very early visitors of Australia were Muslims.
According to Stephenson (2011) Indonesian Muslims have been coming to Australia since
the 17th Century. The Muslim immigrants have mainly started coming in during the colonial era,
from the African continent. The Afghan cameleers were the first major group of Islamic

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immigrants who came in, and the camels were started to be used in the deserts and arid lands of
Australia. These cameleers were used to build the railway between the Port Augusta and Alice
Springs. The Afghans went into marriage with many indigenous aboriginal women and settled
and the population of the Muslims increased henceforth. According to Yasmeen, (2010) The
early Muslim immigrants came from different countries such as Pakistan, Afghanistan,
Baluchistan, Sindh, Persia and other Asian regions. The White Australia Policy of the Australian
Government in the 20th Century has restricted the coming of anyone except the “white
Europeans”, therefore the immigration of Asian and African Muslims were banned. However,
the “white” Muslims from various parts of Europe had continued to come in especially the
Albanian Muslims.
In the post second World War period the immigration policy of Australia was made
flexible and Muslims from many other European regions have come in after that. The regions
include Balkans, countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina. Turkish Muslims immigrated in large
numbers, about 10000 of them., and this happened under an agreement between Australia and
Turkey (Kabir, 2004). The White Australian Policy was retracted during the 1970s and this
opened the opportunity for more immigrants to come in. According to Betts & Healy (2006)
During the Lebanese civil war large number of Muslim immigrants arrived. The Arab springs,
and the corresponding civil wars, especially in Syria, Iraq and adjoining countries had resulted in
a large immigration wave recently.
The Muslims who came at different times and from different time zones are having
difference in their opinions in this regards. The Muslims who came in the early days are very
much accustomed to the Australian way of living and they have become a part of Australian
History. However, the Muslims who came after the civil war in the Arabian regions may be more

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rigid and adamant about their opposition to other sects of Islam. The migrants coming from areas
where there have been violent clashes between the Shias and the Sunnis may be carrying that
anger in their mind and that may reflect in their treatment of other Muslims in Australia
(Yasmeen, 2010). Apart from that the Muslims coming from the European regions may be
more accustomed to the lifestyle that is followed in Australia, however the Muslims coming
from Asian and Arabian regions are more unaccustomed about Australian way of living.
However, the children who are born in this country, though they are going to the Islamic schools,
are more likely to adapt to Australian culture. Their opinion about “Shia Sunni” divide may be
much more liberal.
2.3 The Arab Spring
The Arab spring in the Middle East has caused a large immigration
influx since the Second World War (Guzansky & Striem, 2013). This led
hundreds of thousands of people to seek asylum and permanent residency in
the west. The number of asylum applications registered in 44 industrialized
countries totaled 441,300 in 2011, compared with 368,000 in the year
before, with largest group being from Syria, followed by Iraqi, Libya and
Yemen (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2017). In
2015-2016, Australia received 12,000 Syrian and Iraqi refugees, on
humanitarian visas. The majority of these refugees were from Sunnis Muslim
sect. In addition, there were numbers of Muslim trader migrants and family
reunion migrants (Guzansky and Striem, 2013).
After the Arab spring was over there was violence experienced in various countries and
political instability was the characteristic feature that followed as well. This phenomenon was

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also known as the Arab winter (Prashad, 2012). There were civil wars, instability of politics,
economic crisis among other problems that characterised the Arab springs. The countries of
Syria and Libya experienced a complete social and political failure as the aftermath of Arab
spring. The Sunni and Shia divide and conflict in the regions of dispute and war was commonly
seen.
2.4 Muslim Census in Australia
In 2016 followers of Islam formed 2.6% of the total Australian population (Australian Bureau of
Statistics [ABS], 2017). This percentage of Muslim population in Australia made Islam the
second biggest religious grouping in Australia, coming after Christianity (61.1%). These
Muslims are Sunni but there is a significant minority of Shi’ite Muslims and smaller numbers of
Bektashis, Ahmadis, Alawis and Druze.’ (HREOC 2004). While Sunnis Muslims in Australia
come from different countries and/or content, a significant number of Shi’ite Muslims in
Australia have come from India, Pakistan, Iran and Lebanon. However, there are also recent
‘new Australians’ who are refugees from Iraq and Afghanistan, who have escaped Sunni
extremism (Cricky, 2014).
However, the followers of these the Shiite and Sunni sects are also further split along
different madh'habs which are schools of thought for the interpretation and practice of Islamic
sharias (laws). Followers of other smaller groups of Islam include the Ahmadiyyans, the Ibadi,
Druze and Sufi. (Baker, Jordan; Marcus, Caroline 2012; Athyal, 2015; Ganter, 2008). Also, in
Australia there are many immigrants who identify as no longer adhering to Muslim practices and
beliefs (Hassen, 2013).

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The organizational structure for Muslims of Australia begins with each community or
ethnic nationality and group association of a person being which is officially registered in
Australia by Australian government. Altogether, these groups constitute the Islamic Council
within each Australian state and the Councils of each state comprise the Australian Federation of
Islamic Councils (Akbarzadeh & Saeed, 2001; Rogers, 2014). As the official umbrella of Muslim
organizations in Australia. The Federation of Islamic Australian council is often considered the
“official” Muslim opinion on affairs of foreign policy by Australian government (Cricky, 2014).
The Federation Council meets every two years as the Islamic Congress, through which the
selecting and the nomination of the advisory positions at the national level are determined
(Australian Federation of Islamic Council, 2018). However, the Council has a Sunni majority
(Australian Federation of Islamic Council, 2018). And it is reported by some that many members
have actively sought to exclude representatives of the minority Shi’ite sect. The result was an
incomplete umbrella for the Australian Muslim organizations (Pers. Commu. 2017).
2.5 Personal Identities of youth Muslims
Lamont (2000, p. 25) proposes a ‘reconstruct the mental maps and
symbolic boundaries through which individuals define “us” and “them”’. She
claims that these highlights how ‘people define their own identity and the
identity of their community, or the boundaries through which they
distinguish between people like themselves with whom they identify and
Others’. McLeod (2003, p 30) created a relevant ‘double focus’ on identity by
exploring how young people finding themselves in regard to their
understanding of race and national identity which leads to scrutinize the
development of race and nationalist discourses in contemporary Australia

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(McLeod & Yates, 2003). However, McLeod showed that investigating racism and
attitudes to race and ethnicity is a complex issue, the reason behind that the
existing of the powerful affecting reaction the arising of these topics can
create for both interviewer and participants, and these participants’
reverberation and interaction with different political and identity positions
(McLeod & Yates, 2003).
In Australia, despite the widely adopted thought that all Muslims are
coming from Arab or Middle-Eastern background, the fact that is less than
20% of Australian Muslims were born in Middle Eastern or Arab countries. A
considerable number come from Asia, Europe and Africa. Muslims in
Australia speak many different of languages such as Arabic, Turkish, Persian
(Farsi), Bosnian, Bahasa Indonesia, Bengali, Malay, Dari, Albanian, Hindi,
Kurdish and Pashtu (Elliot, 2016). Being identified as an Arab and/or Muslim
means that a person is connected to a certain ethnicity and, in most cases,
religion. However, every Arab country has its own identity in the form of its
own culture and values. Nonetheless, people from Arab backgrounds share
many traditions and customs. Identity includes the types of faiths and/or
beliefs, character and personality, appearance and/or style that make a
person (self-identity) or folk, especially social class or social group. The
process of identity can be creative or destructive (James, 2015).
During the past three decades or so, the concept of identity generally and
cultural/ethnicity identity in particular, has attracted much attention

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(Bucholtz & Hall, 2004; Hopkins & Reicher, 2014; Lippi-Green, 1997). For
example, how different groups live with each other and have distinct
identities enabling them to connect with some people and split from others.
Within the Muslim world, there are many common elements influencing
identity formation, especially language, religion and sect elements. For
example, the wearing of headscarf by women, some women completely
cover, some only drape, some wear a bourka. Long robes and turbans by
men, as not many Muslim men in the working world of Australia dress this
way, however Sunni sects is more dictating to wear this (Rangoonwala &
Epinoza, 2011).
Literature highlights a fact that Islamic schools in Australia become a
crucial factor of development of an Islamic identity. These schools are
described as places for “religious identity construction” (Yasmeen, 2013, p.
511). Many studies have been conducted on young Muslims’ identity
development in migration settings, and it is a fact that a person has multiple
identities that of a father, an employee, a husband and so on (Kabir, 2010).
Cultural identities are also varied, for example in relation to music hip-hop,
rap (Drissel 2007, 2009, 2011; Gazzah 2010; Rantakillo 2011);
being susceptible to “radicalization and/or self-radicalization” (Aly 2008;
Choudhury 2007; Kühle and Lindekilde 2010; Yasmeen 2008). However,
Hassen (2013) stated that the idea of Islamic schools to be as ways for

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promoting young Muslim’s identity development is a quietly new
phenomenon, particularly in an Australian context.
In a recent study by prominent historian Nahid Kabir 60 Australian
studnets were who were Muslims were interviewed in an in-depth manner.
The topic of the interview was what they felt about the recent debate on the
“Australian” and “Un-Australian” identity. The study up held the position that
the students had a positive attitude towards the values that make the
Australian identity. Australian values are an inevitable part of the attitude of
anyone living within the Australian territory, that person may be of any
religion (Kabir, 2007).
2.6 Islamic Schools
Ideals and identities of faith are promulgated in Australia’s Islamic
schools and mosques, potentially framing the ways young Muslims think
about themselves in relation to other Muslims and broader Australia
generally. It is therefore critical that research addresses questions around
Muslim youth identities, the teachings and practices of schools and mosques
which inform them.
Arab Muslims who live in the west may frequently go to mosques and send
their children to Islamic schools to sustain their identity (Ali, 2002). There are
more than 43 Islamic schools in Australia. Enrolments for Islamic schools
throughout Australia increased from 4274 students in 1996 to 15,874
students in 2006 (Hassen, 2013). However, these numbers of both schools

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and students’ enrollment are continuously growing. The majority of these
schools are Sunnis with 5 Shiite schools only.
Ali (2002) states that Islamic centers and schools in the west are many and
varied in their tasks, which makes them very different to mosques and
schools in Arab Muslim countries. For example, their aims, activities and
services are different than that of their Arab counterparts which are more
orthodox in nature. In addition, in Arab Muslim countries, mosques and
schools receive enormous assistance from many institutions and local
authorities (Ali, 2002).
Furthermore, Ali (2002) points to Islamic schools and mosques being
surrounded by their Muslim culture and social customs in Arab countries, and
that this sustains the young peoples’ identity as Muslims. In contrast, the
mosques and school in non-Muslim countries such as Australia are
sometimes called Islamic centers or Islamic schools/colleges to identify them
as the spiritual center of the community. Arab Muslims in Australia will tend
to use schools/centers to obtain spiritual victuals as a community and to
socialize their children as Muslims, such as learning Arabic, Islamic studies,
the illuminations and the holy Qur’an, alongside the national Australian
curriculum (e.g., Al Amanah College, 2017; Al Noori Muslim School, 2017;
Bellfield College, 2017). The additional lessons tend to take up to six hours a
week, similar to religious studies in Jewish and conservative Christian schools
(Ray, 2015). There are numbers of Islamic independent coeducational K-12

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colleges/schools around Australia. Forty of the schools are Sunni and three
are Shi’ites schools.
However, it has been noted that there have been instances of Islamic
Studies teachers cultivating sectarian intolerance between Sunnis and
Shi’ites in Australian Islamic Schools, and many of them may have hidden
objectives behind spreading such intolerance (Bendle, 2007). For example,
more details about each of the two Queensland Muslim Sunni "narrow-
minded extremist” teachers have been identified (Ray, 2015). Such
instances are in stark contrast to Islamic school efforts to create
longstanding and strong connections the wider Australian population, across
both Islamic religious groups and inclusive of other faiths (Ray, 2015).
With the increasing of acceptance of Islamic schools in the Australian,
critiques of such schools often presume that the cultivation of wider
Australian cultural values and sense of citizenship are not fostered, due to
pedagogical approaches with “separatist” (Hassen, 2013 p.1) intentions.
Despite the availability of schools, both Islamic and non-Islamic in
Australia, a common phenomenon is that Muslims are far less educated and
have higher unemployment rates as compared to non-Muslim Australians
(Alzizy, 2013). It has been found that 69.6% of male Arab Muslims over the
age of 15 are employed; whereas the employment rate of overall Australian
population is 65% (Abs.gov.au, 2018). 38.6% of married Muslim women are
employed, 36.15% of unmarried Muslim women are employed (Alzizy, 2013),

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whereas overall women employment rate in Australia is 56% (Abs.gov.au.
(2018). Further, only 4% of Arab Muslims have university degrees, 1.6% have
diplomas, 6% have trade certificates, 10.7% have obtained a certificate, and
76.7% do not have any academic qualifications (Alzizy, 2013), whereas
overall 31% of Australians have higher education degree (Abs.gov.au, 2018).
Furthermore, of Arab Muslims over the age of 15, 14.6% have annual income
of $9,000 or less, 39.5% have annual income between $ 9001- $15,000,
31.7% have an annual income between $1,151- $22,000, have an annual
income is between $22,001 - $32,000, 2.3% have an annual income between
$32,001 - $40,000 and 1.7% have an annual income over $ 40,000, Overall,
the annual income rate is $ 25,000 a year is very low when compared to non-
Arab Muslim average annual income (Alzizy, 2013).
3.0 Theoretical framework
A qualitative research approach will be used. Qualitative research is
suitable for this study as the development of Muslim experiences and
perceptions of their relationships with either Shiite or Sunni sub-groups
requires understanding of the person’s lived experience (Creswell, 2012).
Narrative research is that which encapsulates personal experiences of
humanity and human dimensions as a whole over time, and it relates the
relationship between the experience of the individual and the cultural
context. Narrative research includes the process of systematically
“gathering, analyzing, and reflecting” opinions of people and their thought,
as explained by them. This research will be done on the basis of narrative

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research approach and people’s opinions (of the participants) will be given
highest importance.
In-depth interviews will be used to collect the lived experiences of
participants (Minichiello, 1990). Minichiello (1990) states that with in-depth
interviews there are no fixed rules, and that there are no standard
procedures, so that the quality of the interview depends very much on the
skill of the interviewer.
Geertz (1973) was one of the earliest scholars to see that the insights
provided by a common language, philosophy and literary analysis could have
major explanatory force in the social sciences. In his book The Interpretation
of Cultures (1973), Geertz described culture as "a system of inherited
conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men
communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes
toward life" (1973, p. 89).
To explore the complex issues of Australian Muslim religious group
relationships, Geertz’ theoretical framework can accommodate the
complexity of the issue and the large number of variables affecting it.
Utilizing Geertz’ theory will help to provide clearer understanding of the
relationships between the Islamic sub-groups in Australia between each
other, as well as with the broader Australian community.
This study will also make use narrative theory which is a form of
interpretative research. (Chhuon, Kyratzis, & Hudley, 2010). In narrative
theory, the researcher allows the respondents to structure their own story

22YOUNG MUSLIMS IDENTITY FORMATION IN AUSTRALIA
and to give prominence to what they view as most important. Thus, a
methodology which asks respondents to tell the ‘story’ of their experience of
Muslim sub-group relationships will enable respondents’ constructions and
intersubjective meanings of the issues.
4.0 Method
4.1 Participants
This study’s participants will be 10 Adelaide secondary school
students, both female and male, in years 11 and 12 from Islamic schools and
non-Islamic schools. The study would include interviewing 2 principles from
the Islamic Schools. This study will use a purposive sampling method, which
is a non-probability technique drawing on the typicality of the cases to be
included in the sample (Tongco, 2007). A letter of introduction will be sent to
each school’s principal and a request made for a submission of the research
project’s proposal to their ethics committee will be made. Student
participants will be aged 15-18 years and it is anticipated that equal gender
representation will be achieved. The focus on young Muslim studying in
Islamic and non-Islamic schools (aged 15-18) in Adelaide as the cohort for
this research project and is deliberate. There are three reasons for this
selection, Firstly, a person in his youth stage experiences more training and
learning than his later age (Janacsek, Fiser & Nemeth, 2012). Secondly, when the
word “youth” is called upon, it “occupies a definite position in relation to
other age groups” (Klimova 1990). Thirdly, the researcher has connections

23YOUNG MUSLIMS IDENTITY FORMATION IN AUSTRALIA
with the Muslims communities in this state in particular since he has been
living there for long time.
As many of the students will be under the age of 18 years, parental
consent will be sought to provide signed Informed Consent. Student
participants and their parents will be provided with an information sheet
detailing the aims of the project, what is expected of the participants, and
how the research data will be used. Further, participants and their parents
will be assured on the Information sheet and on the Informed Consent Form
that participation is voluntary, that they may withdraw at any time without
penalty, and that their shared information will be de-identified with a
participant number to maintain their confidentiality and anonymity.
This will allow the researcher to explore how youth Muslims in
Islamic/non-Islamic schools and in mosques conceive of, by adult Muslims,
the Muslim Sunni/Shi’ite relationship.
4.2 Materials
In-depth interviews. The researcher will establish face validity of the
interview questions by confirming the appropriateness of the items in
discussion with their supervisors. All interviews will be recorded with the
participant’s permission. As the researcher is a novice at interviewing, a
planned structure to guide the process has been determined:
1. At the beginning of the interview the participant will be thanked for
participation. Rapport will be established through light conversation
about daily life and studies in general (Minichiello 1990 p. 111).

24YOUNG MUSLIMS IDENTITY FORMATION IN AUSTRALIA
2. A notebook will be used by the researcher to take notes of interviewee
responses, and to note body language and tone of voice where it may
appear relevant to what is being said.
3. Each participant will be asked the questions in the same order;
however, the interview schedule will be flexible, so that as new
questions arise from the responses of the interviewees, the questions
will be added to or contracted as required. The interview length may
go from 30 to 40 minutes.
4. The recorded interviews will be transcribed verbatim by the primary
researcher and hand-recorded notes added to the transcript. According
to Merriam (2009), “Ideally, verbatim transcription of recorded
interviews provides the best database for analysis” (p. 110). It is
recommended that the researcher should transcribe their own data
(Liamputtong, 2013).
Interviews will be conducted either in Arabic or English according to the
participant’s preference, however for analysis purposes an English
translation for the Arabic texts will be made.
4.3 Data Analysis
Qualitative data analysis enables meaning to be distilled from the
collected data (Merriam, 2009). Further, Best (2012) stated that, “the aim of
all data analysis is to assemble the data collected in a meaningful fashion to
produce an explanation, allow interpretation and enable an appropriate
inference to be drawn” (p. 152). In this vein, the aim of the qualitative data
analysis of this research project is to describe the factors influencing Muslim
youth lived experiences in Australia with regards to Shiite-Sunni relationships

25YOUNG MUSLIMS IDENTITY FORMATION IN AUSTRALIA
in Arab nations and Australia, as well as the youth’s relationships with non-
Muslim Australians
Qualitative analysis will follow the plan of analysis outlined in Creswell
(2014): (1) organizing and making data ready for analysis (transcription
process); (2) reading through all of the transcripts and associated notes to
gain a general sense of it ; (3) coding the data by detecting text segments
and giving a code label to them (also use these codes to build themes; and
(4) making an interpretation of the data and comparing the findings with
information found in literature and theories (Creswell, 2014).
Proposed Timeline.
Date Activity
May-July Background study and literature review
August- October Research method, Questionnaire preparation and ethical
consideration.
November Survey and Interview
December Analysis

26YOUNG MUSLIMS IDENTITY FORMATION IN AUSTRALIA
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