International Relations and Nuclear Non-Proliferation
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This article discusses the impact of nuclear technology on international relations and the efforts towards non-proliferation. It explores the NPT, disarmament agreements, and export control systems. The article also highlights North Korea's role in undermining the NPT and the need for global cooperation towards non-proliferation.
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International Relations 1 International Relations Name University Professor Date
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International Relations2 International Relations Introduction The advent of nuclear technology was a fortune for the world. However, the test of time proves otherwise with nuclear technology rising to be among the most dangerous phenomenon to peace and tranquility in the globe. Several states including the United States and Russia have engaged themselves in a nuclear race in an effort to assert their global position and power (Fuhrmann & Lupu, 2016). According to Pearson (2018), efforts by the United Nations to have countries go slow in the processing of nuclear armaments have been futile as many nations continue processing the dangerous arms and others are joining the race. The crisis between North Korea and the United States creates a shift of nuclear weapon balance between the two nations something that threatens the world peace (Hill, 2013). Today, North Korea stands among the nations with the highest threats of nuclear arsenal amounting to a world threat. However, the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) signed by nations to prevent the spread of the arms and the processing technology appears to have come to save the situation. The nuclear disarmament agreement represents the biggest commitment by the nuclear weapon states and the cornerstone for having an end of atomic weapon regime in the world (Sands & Mihalik, 2016). Despite the efforts by the United States and the international community to end the nuclear regime in volatile countries, there have been replete periods of crisis and stalemate and the countries have been a key challenge to the global non-proliferation regime. Combination of Norms The combination of disarmament norms appears to have botched. The advocacy for halting the creation of arms by leading nuclear states is a disappointment as most countries such as North Korea (Knopf, 2018). The international approach inclined towards eradicating the
International Relations3 unpredictable and rising nuclear capability of North Korea requires reinvigoration. For instance, a council on foreign relations report highlighted that there is a need to mount efforts to encourage abandonment of nuclear processing among nations. Non-strategic nuclear weapons from North Korea remain a rising concern for the international community. The recent evidence by the Development of Low Yield Warheads exacerbates a worrying trend as these weapons pose a fumbling threat that could lead to a nuclear confrontation (Perkovich, 2014). The norms enshrined in the NPT are a fable as the efforts to engender a nuclear-free society remains a dream. The problem lingers because the disarmament exercise appears to help some nations secure their global and strategic position by preventing others from rising. Indeed, the situation with North Korea elucidates the whole concept of disarmament as a political and economic war meant to place the United States and its allies on the advantageous side making the norms of the NPT a failed reality. The rhetoric of nuclear non-proliferation appeared to gain new momentum with the rise of Donald Trump into US presidency. Throughout Obama regime, he opted for strategic patience and he did not engage in utterances with the queer North Korea administration. However, vocal Trump appears to leave no stone unturned by confronting Kim Jong Un in his face (Kim & Han, 2018). For instance, President Trump elicited the much controversial statement on the nuclear weapon when he responded to his counterpart that he has a nuclear button on his hands too that was more powerful than that of North Korea. Essentially, the arms race is on and as the two leaders show, the world has lost the war and fight against armaments. The fact that the two leaders agreed to share a table for the first time in May 2018 is a historic win in the non- proliferation efforts (Tanter, 2017). However, their war of words may sometimes show non- tolerance of states to the course of disarmament. The pledge by the two leaders to change their
International Relations4 countries relationships was a significant effort towards disarmament. According to Kim and Han (2018), they signed a joint statement pledging to trail on a path to pursue everlasting peace and denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Importantly, Trump agreed to put on hold the US- South Korea military training and Kim consented on destroying a test site for missile engine. The two leader’s efforts signify significant momentum towards the process of non-proliferation and its norms that will lead to world peace and tranquility. Non-Proliferation Agreements and Treaties The advent of NPT was a turning point in the history of nuclear weapons as it marked the beginning of peaceful resolution of arms crisis. The following years after the treaty would mark nation engaging in agreements meant to bring a new face of relations. For example, North Korea agreed to the NPT in 1985 becoming a state party to the agreement. The need by the leading nuclear power and weapon processors to have the arms curtailed convinced North Korea that it was safe with the treaty as all the parties were to show efforts to engender a nuclear-free world (Grape, Svärd, Hellesen, Jansson & Lindell, 2014). In 2002, the United States and Japan agreed under the Agreed Framework that they would build light water reactors for North Korea in exchange for the freezing of all nuclear activities by the nation. However, there were bumpy efforts and the achievements were minimal. The Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization made substantial progress in constructing infrastructure for light water reactors in North Korea (Craig & Ruzicka, 2013). However, the change of administration in the key countries of the agreed framework led to the abortion of the treaty. According to Grape et al, (2014), the 2002 confrontation by the United States that North Korea was developing uranium power plan, which the country partially confirmed. Without and in debates, North Korea was adamant to stick to the agreed framework and in 2003; it announced the breach of the NPT.
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International Relations5 Despite the collapse of the agreed framework, the six-party talks took the course for NPT where the United States, China, Japan, Russia and Republic of Korea joined forces to discuss the nuclear situation in North Korea. The Six-Party Talks had little progress and in 2005 North Korea admitted that it had nuclear weapons and ready to withdraw from the activities of the talks because the united states wash harsh and hostile (Frieman, 2014). By 2006, North Korea unleashed it nuclear capacity by conducting a test of one-kiloton weapon program. The Security Council was mad and passed resolutions against the nation passed under Chapter VII of the charter of United Nations (Craig & Ruzicka, 2013). However, China engaged North Korea, in 2007 the six-party dialogue resumed, and it agreed to dismantle its nuclear facilities. Apparently, the issues of the impasse over North Korea nuclear program have no resolve at the NPT (Grape et al., 2014). Its non-commitment to the resolutions of the treaty and tumbling stand makes it clear that North Korea has never been committed and will never agree to reduce its nuclear processing. Moreover, the stand taken by the great nations appear to be an impediment to finding a lasting solution to the problem. However, the new relationship between Trump and Kim may lead the way to find a lasting solution if both parties will act in good faith. UN Resolution of Non-Proliferation The United Nations has held a resolve position toward nuclear weapons. The non- proliferation process is at the core of the organization to have all nations conform to the agenda. In 2016, the UN reaffirmed that the proliferation of nuclear weapons was a threat to international peace, tranquility, and security (Pearson, 2018). Therefore, it adopted a resolution calling for all states that have not accepted to the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty organization (CTBTO) to do so. One hundred and sixty six nations have already deposited their tools of ratification of the agreement to have all nuclear explosions for military and civilian use banned
International Relations6 (Chesterman, Johnstone & Malone, 2016). Thus, the UN underlines that the NPT remains the cornerstone for the non-proliferation of the nuclear regime and an essential foundation for the achievement of peaceful uses of nuclear energy. After the council voted for the CTBTO the executive secretary, Lassina Zebro said that the agreement served to strengthen the policy against nuclear testing and harmful use (Avant, D., & Westerwinter, 2016). In the words of Chesterman et al. (2016), the treaty came at a time when North Korea agreed that time had come for the international community to affect the treaty and have the cessation of nuclear testing sealed. The UN also acknowledges that the process of implementation of the treaty is not easy, but the commitment of the states to have it work will help make strides for future safety and completion of the disarmament exercise. Export Control Systems The export control system has an effective method of advocating for non-proliferation. The adoption of new policies, regulations, acts of control and facilities carrying primary commercial and military applications of nuclear weapons have been effective in controlling the manufacture and spread of the arms (Gahlaut, 2017). The Chinese export control is one of the prominent non-proliferation engagement. By integrating its multilateral standards, China made its system compatible with the international standards to reduce the channels that permit end-user proliferation of critical items (Altmann & Sauer, 2017). For instance, the promulgation of new regulations to control the export of chemical, nuclear, and military products has enabled China to ensure that there is no spread of technology and processing of nuclear weapons. The United States also practices the export controls by ensuring that they pull and push the multilateral systems. The United States takes initiative in implementing non-proliferation export controls the regulation of vast production capabilities (Early, Nance & Cottrell, 2017). Certainly, non-
International Relations7 proliferation export controls are essential for enhancing the process of denuclearization. There may appear discrepancies in the way countries execute export controls. However, the achievement of the underlying theme is critical for a safe and peaceful universe. North Korea Undermining NPT For many years, North Korea has been a powerful processor of atomic weapons. Indeed, the nation has the largest consortium to sell nuclear reactors to the Middle East (Pollack, 2017). Its growing engagement in the trade of nuclear reagents positions her in a leading role and the country projects that by 2030 it will capture 40% of the world trade of nuclear elements. The rise in prominence of North Korea in the trade of nuclear weapons occasioned the concern of the other leaders in the market including the US, Canada, Japan, Russia, and France reckoning of the serious competition and danger posed by her trader (Way & Weeks, 2014). Probably, the trading partners for the country are the largest cause of concern because South Korea main market is the Middle East, which seems to be a volatile region. Therefore, the fact that the nuclear elements can make the deadliest weapons in the world makes other regions to feel uneasy with the trade between South Korea and her partners. Indeed, it is evident that the rising concern for the nuclear gist in the country is a tale of the business pages unlike what the competitors make out of the occasion. The prominence of non-proliferation related concerns particularly from the United Nations and the United States arises from the belief that there is a need to reduce the environmental impact elicited by the reactions of the elements. However, North Korea assured that it adopted the pyro-processing technology that is less harmful compared to the traditional processing methods and has few proliferation risks (Way & Weeks, 2014). However, the international community is adamant on the defense laid by the nation and keen that the new
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International Relations8 technology will be obstinate to control and could permit diversion of versatile nuclear materials. North Korea has over time been reluctant and an occasional violator of global rules for nuclear non-proliferation. Indeed, the failure of the agreed framework to freeze illicit plutonium arms led North Korea to withdraw from the non-proliferation agreement with the United States in 2002 (Hill, 2013). The pursuit of achieving the goals of nuclear weapon policies require North Korea to conclude nuclear cooperation with leading actors such as the United States rather than engage in a primal battle. Moreover, it is essential for the nation to abscond revolt form international organizations and become a follower and a leader in the global nuclear non-proliferation agenda.
International Relations9 Reference list Altmann, J., & Sauer, F. (2017). Autonomous weapon systems and strategic stability.Survival,59(5), pp. 117-142. Avant, D., & Westerwinter, O. (Eds.). (2016).The new power politics: Networks and transnational security governance. Oxford University Press. Chesterman, S., Johnstone, I., & Malone, D. (2016).Law and practice of the United Nations: documents and commentary. Oxford University Press. Craig, C., & Ruzicka, J. (2013). The nonproliferation complex.Ethics & International Affairs,27(3), pp. 329-348. Early, B. R., Nance, M. T., & Cottrell, M. P. (2017). Global governance at the energy-security nexus: Lessons from UNSCR 1540.Energy Research & Social Science,24(2), pp. 94-101. Frieman, W. (2014).China, arms control, and non-proliferation. Routledge. Fuhrmann, M., & Lupu, Y. (2016). Do arms control treaties work? Assessing the effectiveness of the nuclear nonproliferation treaty.International Studies Quarterly,60(3), pp. 530-539. Gahlaut, S. (2017). Multilateral export control regimes: operations, successes, failures and the challenges ahead. InNon-Proliferation Export Controls(pp. 15-36). Routledge. Grape, S., Svärd, S. J., Hellesen, C., Jansson, P., & Lindell, M. Å. (2014). New perspectives on nuclear power—Generation IV nuclear energy systems to strengthen nuclear non-proliferation and support nuclear disarmament.Energy Policy,73(8), pp. 815-819. Hill, C. R. (2013). The elusive vision of a non-nuclear North Korea.The Washington Quarterly,36(2), pp. 7-19.
International Relations10 Kim, Y. & Han, C., 2018. Trump Administration’s Initiatives in Resolving North Korea’s Nuclear Problem: Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) Approach.International Journal of Emerging Trends in Social Sciences,2(2), pp. 41-51. Knopf, J. W. (2018). After diffusion: Challenges to enforcing nonproliferation and disarmament norms.Contemporary Security Policy,39(3), pp. 367-398. Pearson, F. S. (2018).The Global Spread of Arms: Political Economy of International Security. Routledge. Perkovich, G. (2014). Strengthening non-proliferation rules and norms—the three-state problem. InDisarmament Forum4(1), 21-32. Pollack, J. D. (2017).No exit: North Korea, nuclear weapons, and international security. Routledge. Sands, T. & Mihalik, R., 2016. Outcomes of the 2010 and 2015 nonproliferation treaty review conferences.World J. Soc. Sci. Humanities,2(1), pp. 46-51. Tanter, R. (2017). Donald Trump’s Japanese and South Korean Nuclear Threat to China: A tipping point in East Asia?.Asia-Pacific Journal-Japan Focus,15(7). pp. 30-56. Way, C., & Weeks, J. L. (2014). Making it personal: regime type and nuclear proliferation.American Journal of Political Science,58(3), pp. 705-719.